France is known as ‘Laboratory of Political experiment’.
It has a unitary form of government and nature of the government is called as semi-Presidential type
It has some features of Parliamentary system and others of Presidential system
The French Parliament does not have supremacy even in lawmaking. There is a list for which the legislature can make laws, whereas rest of the matters are taken care of by the President (i.e. he makes the laws).
This is perhaps the only Democratic Constitution based on the Principle of Supremacy of Executive.
France suffered from political instability. Hence, the Constitution of the 5th Republic provides a strong President, with a fixed term of 5 years, and he enjoys a lot of powers.
President
The French President is the most powerful within the French system as well as amongst all other executive across world democracies
Privileges of the Office of the President of US, i.e. security of tenure and being the head of the Government as well as head of the State is combined with the privileges of the Office of the British P.M. i.e. power to dissolve the Assembly (which the American President doesn’t enjoy)
France has PM as well as President.
French PM, unlike that in India and Britain, is assistant to the President. There is a division of functions, rather than
There is a division of functions, rather than the division of power between the two positions. The French President deals with foreign policy and national concerns. The PM, on the other hand, deals with day to day routine functions of the Government and local domestic issues.
PM is appointed by the President. The President doesn’t have a completely free-hand in PM’s election. The person appointed as PM must enjoy the confidence of the House.
Concept of ‘Cohabitation’
A situation where the President and the PM belong to different political parties
PM may choose his cabinet colleagues. None of the members of the Govt. can be a part of the legislature
Cabinet is presided over by the President.
The Lower House can pass the ‘Censure Motion’ against the PM and his CoM, which would imply that they must resign
The President is elected for a fixed term. Initially, the term was 9 years, reduced to 7 years and at present is 5 years.
They follow Second Ballot system (i.e. an absolute majority of the total votes polled is needed)
The President of the Republic shall be elected by an absolute majority of votes polled: if in the first round of elections, no person gets absolute majority only the top two candidates remain and the rest are eliminated. The second round of election takes place, in which one person is able to get the absolute majority.
Removal of the President
The President can be impeached on the same ground as the US President. However, the process is ambiguous.
Article 67 of the Constitution suggests that both the Houses should pass an identical motion.
After this, the President’s case will be dealt with by a special body called the High Court of Justice.
This body also trails cases of corruption and conspiracies against the state by government ministries.
Emergency Powers of the President
Article 16 of the Constitution gives the real emergency powers to the President. In this situation he assumes unlimited powers and it is like democratic dictatorship or democratic coup-detat.
Comparative Analysis of the US and French Presidents
The US President cannot dissolve the Assembly, whereas the French President can do so. The only limitation is that he can’t do so more than twice a year.
Unlike the US President, the French President can assume dictatorial powers under Article 16.
Comparative Analysis of the French President and British P.M
The British P.M. can remain in office only as long as he enjoys majority in the lower house. The President of France, on the other hand, is elected for a fixed term.
The Legislature
The Legislature is clearly subordinate to the Executive in the French system. Article 37 of the Constitution puts clear limitation on the legislative power of the French Parliament.
It mentions that the Parliament can make laws only on the matters enumerated in the Constitution. On all other matters, the government can make laws by simple order or decree.
The President can directly influence the legislative functions of the assembly through the P.M. If the assembly doesn’t agree to a particular bill, it can be given for referendum by the President.
The French Parliament is bicameral, consisting of two houses: National Assembly and the Senate.
National Assembly
As is the case with other bicameral Parliaments, the French bicameralism is an unequal system since the National Assembly has much broader powers than those of the Senate:
It alone can hold the Government accountable by refusing to grant it ‘confidence’ or by passing a censure motion (following the same idea, only the National Assembly can be dissolved by the President of the Republic).
In the case of disagreement with the Senate, the Government can decide to grant the National Assembly “the final say” in the legislative procedure (except for constitutional acts and institutional acts concerning the Senate);
The Constitution provides the National Assembly with a more important role in the examination of the finance bill and the social security financing bill. Thus, the tabling for a first reading of such bills must be before the National Assembly and the time limits granted for their examination are much longer for the National Assembly.
The Senate
In contrast to the National Assembly, the Senate cannot be dissolved.
The fact that Senate is a permanent body plays an important role in accounting for the stability of the Government when the post of the French Republic’s President falls vacant.
Owing to above, it’s the President of the Senate who is appointed the President of French Republic if the latter is prevented from doing so, if he falls ill or resigns. Thus, a case of power vacuum is prevented, in case the President’s office falls vacant.
This interim is limited to the time needed to organize a presidential election (in practice, it lasts around 50 days).
Prominent Features of the French Constitution
Organic Law:An organic or fundamental law is one that forms the foundation of a government or organization. A Constitution is a particular form of organic law for a sovereign state. The French Constitution has certain laws mentioned as organic laws. Laws made by the Parliament and the orders of the Executive must confirm to the Organic laws. So these laws have to be reviewed by a body known as the Constitutional Council. It has 9 members – three are representatives of the President, three are representatives of the French National Assembly, and the remaining three are representatives of the Senate.
High Council of Justice: The purpose is the nomination of the judges. This body is headed by the President and the members of the Judiciary. The President is also known as the ‘guardian of Judiciary’.
Economic and Social Council: Constitutional advisory body on social and economic issues.
Amendment of the Constitution
Rigid process
Both the Houses of Parliament have to pass a resolution by 3/5th majority.
The President may also choose to refer the amendment to people by referendum.
China is a socialist country. There is supremacy of socialist ideology in China.
The Chinese Constitution accepts the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Communist Party of China (CPC) is the largest political party in the world, having millions of local level members.
It works on the principle of Democratic Centralism. The full meeting of the party is called as National Party Congress (NPC), which is convened once in five years. Though theoretically all power lies with the people, but in practice, it is with the top leaders.
NPC members select the members of the Central Committee. The Central Committee selects the Polit Bureau (around 200 members). The Polit Bureau selects the Standing Committee of the Polit Bureau (at present 24 members; the most powerful members of the party).
Salient Features of the Constitution
Preamble
The paramount position of Marxism, Leninism and Mao’s teachings has been acknowledged in relation to ideological goals of the political system. Traditional principle of Democratic Centralism has also been given due place within the Constitutional setup. The old definition of China as a “Dictatorship of the Proletariat” has been replaced with “People’s Democratic Dictatorship.”
The Preamble clearly recognizes Taiwan as an integral part of China and its liberation is declared as a liability of Chinese People. Five points have been set as the underlying principles to be observed in the field of foreign relations. These include:
Respect and Preservation of the territorial integrity of all nations
Avoidance of aggression
Non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries
Promotion of international cooperation
Peaceful coexistence
Nature of Constitution
It has close affinity in letter and spirit, with the constitution of the former Soviet Union. It is neither too rigid nor too flexible.
Basic Principles
Under the Constitution, People’s Republic of China is a Socialist State established in the name of People’s Democratic dictatorship, wherein Communist Party performs a leadership role to guide the people. People are declared as fountain of power and authority and they will exercise it through National People’s Congress.
Unitary System
The People’s Republic of China is a unitary multi-national state created jointly by the people of all its nationalities. In China, a strong central government exists while regional governments, as distinct entities, have not been created under the Constitution. Therefore, In order to encourage people’s participation in policy-making and preserve their interest in public affairs, decentralization has been introduced in the governmental affairs. The central government has delegated much authority and powers to the regional and local administrative units.
Democratic Centralism
Like the political system of former Soviet Union, the principle of “Democratic Centralism” prevails in People’s Republic of China as well. Keeping in view democratic norms, elective principle has been introduced at all levels not only within the governmental institutions but also within the Party organization. All the citizens have been secured the right to vote on the basis of adult suffrage.
One Party System
The Communist Party enjoys almost dictatorial powers within the constitutional framework and has been regarded as the sole source of political authority for all practical purposes.
Party organization runs parallel to that of the governmental institutions. Party elite hold all top-notch positions in the government.
In practice, no other political party enjoys real freedom to act.
Certain youth organizations, loyal to the party and working groups affiliated with the Party, enjoy the right to participate in decision-making.
Legislature
The National People’s Congress (NPC) comprises the legislative branch.
It is a unicameral legislature with more than 3000 members.
Theoretically, it is the top decision making body in China. It has the ultimate say on policies, amendments and appointment of ministers in the government.
It has been declared as an organ through which the people exercise state power.
Congressmen are elected by regional Congresses, by autonomous regions, by Municipalities working under the central government and by People’s Liberation Army, each according to its quota.
The mode of election is based on secret ballot, while the constitution guarantees holding of free and fair elections.
The real work of NPC is done by a smaller body known as Standing Committee of NPC, consisting around 150 members.
Duration
The Congressmen are elected for a period of five years but the Congress can be dissolved before the expiry of its term and it can be extended as well. The Standing Committee of the Congress is responsible for making proper arrangements for holding fresh elections prior to the completion of its term.
Sessions
Sessions of the Congress are held once a year in Beijing. The Standing Committee of the Congress normally summons its session. In addition to it, the Chairman of the Congress can also summon the session on the request of one fifth of its members.
Powers
The National People’s Congress is the supreme law-making body, which is fully authorized to enact laws, alter or repeal the existing ones. It also approves the administrative policy for the state.
Enactment of Laws
During its sessions, the Congress enacts new laws and makes necessary alterations in the existing ones, if circumstances so demand. The Constitution can be amended with the support of two-thirds majority of the members of the Congress, whereas ordinary laws are enacted by a simple majority. It is to be noted, that the acts of the Congress cannot be challenged in the Supreme Court.
Executive Powers
National People’s Congress is also empowered under the Constitution, to supervise the execution of constitutional laws and statutes. It can affect and control administrative policies through its choice regarding the appointment of superior public officials. All the administrative departments along with their ministers in charge are accountable to the Congress in respect of performing their official functions. Congress also exercises the power to approve National Economic Policy and the annual budget. Congress is fully authorized under the constitution to exercise all such powers as it thinks expedient and necessary within its sphere of action.
Elective functions
NPC holds a pivotal position within governmental structure by virtue of its power to elect the top-notch occupants of the governmental authority. Under the Constitution, it also elects the President and Vice President of the Republic and appoints Premier of the State Council on the recommendation of the President. On the advice of the Premier, it also appoints other ministers. Congress is also empowered to remove the ministers. It also exercises the power to appoint or remove the President of the Supreme Court and Chief Procurator of the Supreme Procurate.
Though the NPC is fully authorized by the Constitution to exercise all the foregoing powers, in practice, it is not an active body. Rather its position, as a free law-making body is merely in theory. Major reasons being:
Its sessions are rarely held on a regular basis. It meets only once a year, that too for not more than a few days.
The powers of Congress are virtually exercised by its Standing Committee.
Standing Committee
The Standing Committee of the Congress is an effective and active body, as it exercises, in practice, most of the Congressional powers. It is outwardly a body subordinate to the Congress, as a matter of principle. It is accountable to the parent body and is bound to present regular reports of its working. All the members of the Committee are elected by the Congress and liable to be removed on its discretion.
Powers
The Committee summons the sessions of the Congress, in addition to the issuance of orders to hold its fresh elections.
It performs the function of interpreting the statutes as well as the laws of the Constitution. The performance of this judicial type of function enhances its importance and the scope of power.
It supervises the functioning of the State Council, of superior courts and that of Procurator. These functions have been assigned to the Standing Committee by the Constitution.
The Committee has the authority to alter or repeal any inappropriate decision of the official departments, autonomous regions, provinces and that of the Municipalities working under the Central government.
It is actually the repository of real powers during the interval in which the Congress is out of session. During this period, it wields the authority to issue orders regarding the appointment of new ministers and removal of the previous ones, on the advice of the Premier. It can issue orders for the appointment or removal of the Vice President as well as the Deputy Chief Procurator.
Chairman
The Chairman of the Committee has been regarded as the most powerful person in the political setup. He presides over the meetings of the Standing Committee. He has also been endowed with the power to issue decrees and promulgate ordinances. His list of duties include:
To receive the diplomatic envoys of other countries;
Ratification of the treaties made with other countries; and
Appointment of the members of diplomatic corps assigned to other countries.
Other Committees
The People’s Congress forms a number of Committees during its term, such as National Committee on fiscal and economic affairs, Committee on education, science, culture and health issues, Committee on foreign affairs, Committee on matters relating to Chinese settled abroad. All these committees work under the supervision of the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress during the period the latter is not in session.
Keeping in view the aforesaid functions and powers of the Standing Committee, it is apparent that it is a powerful and effective body. As the Congressional annual session lasts a few days only, its powers are virtually exercised by the Standing Committee for the remaining period the parent body is not in session. The Committee’s members, being the members of the Chinese Communist Party, perform important role in administrative affairs as well.
Executive
State Council
The State Council is the Cabinet or Executive of China. It is headed by the Premier, four Vice Premiers and State Councillors. Under the Constitution, State Council is the chief executive organ of the government. All its members are elected by the Congress and accountable to it. Enforcement of law, formation and execution of the administrative policy is the major function of the Council. The members of the State Council introduce the bills on the floor of the Congress in the form of proposals and later manage to get these translated into law on parliamentary lines.
Premier
The Premier performs a very important role as head of the administration and holds a pivotal position within the administrative set up.
President
The President of the Republic is regarded as head of the state.
He is elected by the Congress for a period of five years.
The President enjoys the most prestigious position in the administrative setup.
Judiciary
China has a committed Judiciary, i.e. committed to the goal of Socialism. The highest organ is the Supreme People’s Court. China also has a Court of Procuratorates – it deals with corruption cases of officials. Chinese law has never been codified in a systematic form. Most of the disputes and controversies are settled in quasi-judicial institutions. The Chinese judicial system has been held together more by conventions, rather than by laws.
Central Military Commission
The party and the government maintain control on the military through the Central Military Commission
Military is also described as the defenders of the Communist Party.
Rights and Duties
Rights
The Chinese Constitution gives Fundamental Rights and prescribes certain duties for its citizens.
All citizens at least18 years of age are secured the right to vote. They also enjoy the right to contest elections. Right to secrecy of all correspondence, freedom of speech and expression, freedom to join or form associations, and right to hold public meetings even to the extent of staging demonstration or resorting to strike for articulation of demands, have been secured under the Constitution.
According to the constitution, the government is under obligation to afford full protection to the preservation of family life in addition to the integrity of a person. All citizens have the right to personal security against illegal detention. The constitution also recognizes equal right of all citizens to education and cultural freedom. Equality of men and women has also been recognized in all areas of life.
Duties
The Chinese constitution explicitly prescribes certain duties of the citizens, which are justiciable. It is the first and foremost duty of the citizens to cooperate with the Socialist leadership in every respect, abide by the Constitution and all other state laws. They are required to protect public property and extend a helping hand in the maintenance of law and order. To defend the country against foreign aggression is also another duty of the citizens.
Communist Party of China
The Chinese Communist Party came into being in 1921. Lenin sent one representative to China to assist in organizing the newly established party. Cheng Tu-hisu was appointed as the first Secretary General of the Chinese Communist Party and within a short period many branches of the Party were established in the towns and cities.
Ideological Foundations
Ideology of the Chinese Communist Party had been shaped by the teachings of Marx and Lenin right from its inception. It developed a deep linkage with the global Communist Movement in its early phase. Mao also played a pivotal role in the socialist struggle of the Chinese People.
Party Organization
The party operates on the principle of Democratic Centralism. Accordingly all office bearers of the Party are elected. Primary unit of the Party elects District Congress while District Congress elects the deputies of the Congress of the upper level. Party members enjoy right to criticize party leadership and may initiate proposals for framing party policies. On the same pattern, primary party branches may lodge complaints for the consideration of higher leadership.
On the other hand, strict party discipline is maintained and strong centralism operates in the decision-making process. It is obligatory on the lower ranked party members to abide by the decisions of the higher ranked party leadership. In practice, most of the decisions are thrust upon by the higher ranks within the central leadership.
Politburo
The Politburo has been regarded as the most powerful body in the decision-making process, as it makes all- important decisions; so much so that it summons the sessions of the Central Committee. It also has a Standing Committee consisting of seven members. Like its counterpart within the government, the Standing Committee of the Politburo exercises all the powers of the Central Committee when the latter is not in session.
National Congress of the Communist Party of Congress
National Congress of the Communist Party of Congress holds a pivotal position in the policy-making of the Party. Members of the Congress numbering in thousands with no fixed size are elected by the respective regional and local party congresses for a period of five years.
Central Committee
The National Congress of the Communist Party of Congress holds its sessions for a few days, once every five years. The Central Executive Committee, comprising limited membership, exercises the power of the Congress when the latter is not in session. The powers of the Central Executive Committee are also exercised in practice, by its Politburo, as the former rarely holds its meetings. The Central Committee elects the members of its Politburo, as well as its Chairman and Vice Chairman.
Other Parties and Groups
The single party system, on the lines of Soviet Union, has not been adopted in the People’s Republic of China; rather such smaller parties, as Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee, Democratic League, National Construction Association, and various Youth Organizations are allowed to function.
Hence, China is a multi-national and multi-party country. In China, the term democratic parties refer to the eight other parties apart from the Chinese Communist Party. These have developed cooperation with the Chinese Communist Party on different levels, since the inception of the new order.
But, the Communist Party enjoys a political monopoly in China, while other parties have merely dejure existence. Party Organization runs parallel to that of the government. A person holding an important position as a public official is also assigned office within the Party.
The Central leadership of the Party is mainly responsible for chalking out government policies. The importance of any government department can’t be assessed keeping in view merely its legal status, since its role within the Party matters.
The Central leadership of the Party is mainly responsible for chalking out government policies. The importance of any government department can’t be assessed keeping in view merely its legal status, since its role within the Party matters.
While American Constitution is the shortest (of any major government in the world) and the first written constitution, India’s Constitution is the lengthiest written constitution in the World. American Constitution is a very rigid constitution consisting of only Seven Articles and twenty-seven amendments, so far.
Originally, the India Constitution consisted of 395 Articles in 22 Parts, with 8 Schedules. Now, it consists of 448 Articles in 22 Parts, with 12 Schedules.
The American Constitution was finalized in a convention held on September 17, 1787, which required its ratification by a minimum of nine States, for it to be enforced.
By the end of July 1788, eleven States had ratified it and the Constitution was put into operation on 13th September 1788. The Indian Constitution, on the other hand, was adopted by her Constituent Assembly on 26th November 1949, and came into effect on 26th January 1950.
America has adopted the doctrine of dual ship in respect of its Constitution and citizenship. It has two Constitutions, one, for America as whole and another for each State. American people have two citizenships, one of USA and another of their respective State.
On the other hand, India has one constitution and concept of single citizenship for every citizen of the country.
Nature of the Constitution
The American Constitution is described as a truly Federal Constitution. It was ratified by 50 Independent States. Further, the Federal Government and States have their own Constitutions and do not interfere in each other’s functions. On the other hand, India has only one Constitution, wherein the Central government interferes with functions of State governments in the form of, inter alia:
Appointment of Governors.
Governor having the power of reserving the States’ bills for consent of the President.
Central government’s power to impose President’s rule in the States.
Nature of Federalism
While USA is a Dual Federation, India is a Cooperative Federation.
Dual Federation (USA) – both the Centre and state are completely independent. They are complete governments
Cooperative Federation (India) – Interdependence of Centre and state govt. Neither of them is independent of the other. Centre usually has the role of big brother.
Centrifugal federalism
Centripetal federalism
Symmetrical federalism: All states are given equal representation in Senate
Asymmetrical federalism:
1. States have been given representation in Rajya Sabha on the basis of their population.
2. Articles 370, 371 provide special provisions to few states.
USA is a Legislative federation. This means that States have dominance in law making.
India is an Executive federation. This means that states are important at the executive level only.
USA is an indestructible union of indestructible states
India is an indestructible union of destructible states
USA constitution provides a role to states in ratifying the international treaties through the Senate.
There is no such provision for states in the Indian Constitution.
Difference between Indian Constitution and American Constitution
The Indian Constitution and the American Constitution differ in several key areas. The American Constitution, adopted in 1787, is much shorter and establishes a presidential system with a clear separation of powers among the executive, legislature, and judiciary. Additionally, the Indian Constitution can be amended more easily, while the American Constitution requires a more complex process for amendments.
Aspect
Indian Constitution
American Constitution
Length
Long and detailed (448 articles)
Short (7 articles)
System of Government
Parliamentary system
Presidential system
Adopted in
1950
1787
Amendment Process
Easier to amend
More complex amendment process
Federal Structure
Federal with unitary elements
Purely federal
Rights & Duties
Includes fundamental rights and duties
Primarily focused on fundamental rights
Form of Government (India vs USA)
USA
America has adopted a Presidential form of government, in which the people directly elect the executive President.
The President is powerful and not accountable to the House of Congress.
The term of the American President is 4 years (fixed term).
One can hold the office of the President for only two terms.
The President can appoint his own staff, which may be neither from the House of Representative or Senate, in assisting in the administration of the government. The staff is not accountable to the Houses of Congress.
This means that the President is independent in the administration of the government and rather directly responsible to the people of USA.
India
India has adopted a Parliamentary form of government.
The President of India is the executive head of the Indian government. He is indirectly elected by the legislators of Centre and states, and is not accountable to the Parliament.
The President runs the government with the aid and advice of the Prime Minster and the Council of Ministers.
Unlike USA, the Indian President holds the office for five years.
He can be elected any number of times.
The impeachment of the President by the legislature is the only similarity in both the Constitutions.
President
The position of the American President combines both the Head of State and the Head of Government into one.
Qualification
Only a natural born citizen of USA can become the President, and not a person who has acquired the citizenship. Also, he must have attained the age of 35 years and must have stayed in USA for at least 14 years. On the other hand, the Indian President should be a citizen of India, wherein citizenship might be either natural or acquired.
Election of the President
Presidential election is indirect, through Electoral College.
Electoral College
Strength of Electoral College = Total members in House of Representatives + Senate + 3 members from Washington D.C. = 435 + 100 + 3 = 538
Winning Candidate requires an absolute majority (50% + 1) of the total members of the Electoral College, i.e. 270.
In the House of Representatives, members from different states are not fixed, while in Senate members from different states are equal and fixed.
Election of Electors
The voters vote for the members of the Electoral College
System of election is the List System
Each state has a responsibility to conduct these elections
The party that wins the majority of the votes represents the state in entirety
Electors meet in their respective capital and vote for the Presidential candidate
Functions of the President of USA
Executive Functions
Appointments
Representing the country
Preparation of the Budget
Legislative Functions
No presence in legislature
The President doesn’t address the legislature
He cannot dissolve the legislature
He can send messages to the legislature (the system of sending messages exists in USA because there is Separation of Power. So this is the way that the President can interact. The system of sending messages is found in India also, but the logic of the provision is not clear because the President has no discretionary power and he has to act on the advice of the P.M.)
Veto Power
Under the Constitution, the President may respond to a bill passed by the Congress in one of the three ways. He may sign it, veto the bill by returning it to Congress, or do nothing. If he does nothing, the bill becomes a law after the passage of ten days, excluding Sundays. However, if the Congress adjourns sooner than ten days, the bill dies, under the “pocket veto” provision. If the President vetoes a bill, the Congress can still enact it into a law bypassing the measure again with two-thirds majority in both the houses.
Legislative Proposals
The Constitution also authorizes the President to “recommend to Congress’ consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.” Unlike the veto, which is a limited and somewhat negative instrument for stopping legislation, the duty to recommend legislation has over time become the primary mechanism, by which the nation’s political agenda is influenced.
Indian President
In India, the President has the power to send back a bill to the Parliament for reconsideration. But, when the Parliament has reconsidered the bill and then passes it with the required majority, the President has no option but to sign the bill.
Practically, the Prime Minster and his Cabinet almost always enjoy a simple majority, except in a coalition government. So, it does not pose a major hurdle for the Prime Minster and his cabinet to get the consent of the President for the bill.
However, a significant departure from the US Presidential Scheme of things is that unlike the US, the Indian Constitution does not prescribe any time limit for signing the bill by President.
Therefore, he can keep the bill without signing it for an indefinite period under the disguise of consideration, which can frustrate the Prime Minster and his cabinet. Obviously, this leads us to the question whether the Indian President’s pocket veto is more powerful than the US President’s pocket veto.
Date of Retirement and Oath
US
A unique feature of the US Constitution is that it has prescribed the date and timing of retirement of the outgoing President as well as members of the Congress.
The terms of President and Vice President shall end at noon on the 20th day of January.
It means that the new President and Vice President shall take oath of the office on 20th January (or 21stJanuary, if 20th is a Sunday) at noon of their first year of office.
The election of the President and Vice president are held in the month of November and in the same month results are announced.
Thus, Americans are informed much earlier about their new President. Naturally, the question is how this time schedule is maintained. In case of President’s death, resignation, or impeachment, the Vice President shall become the President for the remaining period. In this way, duration of the President is kept intact and the next elected President takes oath on the scheduled date.
India
In India, if the President dies or is impeached, or submits resignation, the Vice President becomes the President till fresh elections are held. The newly elected President holds the office for a full term of five years.
Hence, unlike the American system the time schedule cannot be maintained, in the case of India.
Primaries
Primaries are elections to select the candidate
They are conducted by Political Parties
Impeachment of the President of USA
Reasons: Treason, Bribery, High Crimes of Misdemeanor. No system of impeachment for violation of the Constitution, unlike the Indian Constitution
Process:
Charges will be leveled against the President in the House of Representatives
It has to be passed by 2/3rd majority
Senate will be the investigating house
In this process, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of USA will be the presiding officer
If convicted, he can be removed only when 2/3rd members of the Senate pass a resolution in this context
Important terms of the American Constitution
Filibustering: It’s a privilege of Senators that they can exercise his right to speak for an unlimited period. It’s an ultimate device to stop the passage of a bill. However, now a rule has emerged, by which 2/3rd of the members can bring a motion, which will deny this privilege to the Senators.
Senatorial Courtesy:A convention has developed by which the President, before formally sending the names for appointments in higher posts, informs the Senate about the probable candidates to be appointed. The idea in such situations should not arrive, where the Senate does not ratify the President’s proposal.
Gerrymandering:It is the process of demarcating the electoral districts that give advantage to the party in power in the state. They create electoral districts in a manner that the supporters of the party get concentrated and the supporters of the opposition party get dispersed, with the objective of electoral gains.
Log Rolling:The members of a party may support a bill or viewpoint of the other party. Strict party discipline is not only existing, but also not required.
Pork Barrel:It represents the politics in the House o Representatives where local interest dominates and the representatives want to take maximum benefits for their constituencies.
Vice President
Election of Vice President
The qualification for the President and the Vice President is the same. Since the elections take place simultaneously, the process of elections is also the same.
Earlier Method: The candidate coming first used to be declared as the President and second as the Vice President.
Present Method: Separate elections, but at the same time and in the same manner.
Tenure of a Vice President as a President
A Vice President may become a President because of vacancy in the office of the President. There are two situations:
If the Vice President has come to the office when the President has already served the office for more than two years. Then the Vice President can be President for the remaining term and in addition for two more terms he can serve as a President
If the Vice President came to the office when the remaining term of the outgoing President was more than two years, then he will be eligible for only one more term
Functions of the Vice President of USA
Ex-officio chairperson of Senate and has casting vote
The office of the Indian Vice President is modeled on the US office, with some differences
The office of Vice President is called as His Superfluous Highness
US Legislature/US Congress
It consists of two houses: House of Representatives and the Senate.
House of Representatives
One of the weakest lower house in the world
It consists of 435 members
System of direct elections
Representation of people may differ in number from different states
2. Senate
Permanent body
Strongest upper house in the world
It has equal powers in ordinary bills, amendment bills and money bills.
Term of a Senator is six years. 1/3rd of the members/Senators retire every two years.
Committee System in USA
USA has the strongest committee system in the world. It is said that the US Congress works in the Committees.
Difference from British and Indian System
In Britain and India, a bill is introduced in the House and the first reading takes place and then it is referred to the Committee
In USA, a bill is introduced and then directly referred to the Committee, before even the first reading
Pigeon Hole: A bill in USA may get killed at the Committee stage itself. This is known as Pigeon Holing the bill.
Duration of Representative bodies at the Centre
US
America’s House of Representative and Senate are permanent bodies.
The terms of the members of the Representative and Senate come to an end on 3rd
India
In India, during an emergency, the duration of Lok Sabha can be extended by one year, or can be shortened by holding pre-matured elections.
The ruling party forms opinion based on their party’s prospects in the next election. It may recommend for the dissolution of Lok Sabha and suggest the President to hold the election at an appropriate time, which may be based on political expediency.
Doctrine of Separation of Power and the System of Checks and Balances
The theory of Separation of Powers started with John Locke and became popular with Montesquieu (18th century philosophers).
Why Separation of Powers/Functions?
According to Montesquieu – liberty is not protected, unless there is Separation of Power.
Separation of Power with judiciary is a universal feature in all democracies.
The Presidential system provides Separation of Power w.r.t. all three organs of the government, whereas in the Parliamentary system there is a fusion of legislative and executive powers.
US
The US Constitution strictly adheres to the doctrine of Separation of Power proposed by Locke and Montesquieu. Separation of Power is complete in US.
All the three branches of the government have separate functions.
The term of Legislature and Executive are fixed and do not depend on each other.
None of the member of the Legislature can be a member of the Executive.
The Houses of Congress enact the law; the President executes the law; and the Supreme Court interprets the law.
The American President has no privilege of law making power. Moreover, he is neither a member of the House of Representative nor that of Senate.
By confirming veto power but equally not confirming the law-making power to the President, the Congress controls the Presidents and vice versa. In this way, ‘Checks and Balance’ are maintained.
India
Theoretically, we may say that the doctrine of Separation of Power is adopted in our Constitution, but it is only between the Executive and Judiciary.
The President is a part of the Union Executive. Yet, it is the Prime Minster and the Council Ministers who are the real executive because the President has to act on the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.
They have dual capacity:
One, in capacity of executive; and
Two, in the capacity of lawmaker.
The Prime Minster, in his capacity as the leader of the ruling party can enact a law, which his administration executes. Thus, the Prime Minster and his Council Ministers enact the law and the administration executes the same, which is per se, contradictory to the doctrine of Separation of Power.
Checks and Balances
No organ of the government can be given complete liberty. Hence there have to be checks and balances.
How are checks and balances achieved in the US Constitution?
Judiciary checks on other branches of the government, by judicial review of the executive as well as legislative acts.
How Congress checks the President or powers of the President?
It is necessary to ratify the international agreements and higher appointments
Principle of no taxation without representation
Impeachment of the President
How President checks the Congress?
By the use of veto powers (Congress can pass a bill against Presidential veto with 2/3rd majority. So the President doesn’t have an absolute veto.
Pocket Veto: Two situations arise –
Congress in session for ten days: Bill can be passed even without the assent of the President
Congress in session for less than ten days: Bill will lapse.
President and Congress applying checks on Judiciary
Appointment of Judges: appointed by the President and ratified by the Senate
Removal of Judges: removed through impeachment by the Congress and approved by the President
Salaries and emoluments controlled by the President
Fundamental Rights
While US has incorporated the “Bill of Rights”, India has incorporated “Fundamental Rights” in its Constitution. However, the American Constitution has provided additional human rights, which are not to be explicitly found in the Indian Constitution.
Freedom of press is explicitly provided under the 1st amendment of the US Constitution, while in India it is implicitly read under the Article 19[1][a], freedom of speech and expression. Petition to the Supreme Court is a fundamental right in India, where as in US it is the government that is petitioned (In case of US, the word “government” has a wider connotation and encompasses not only the executive, but also the higher judiciary).
The Americans have a right to keep arms and guns for the protection of their life and property. This was provided under the 2ndamendment. Therefore, guns and arms are sold like any other commodity in US without legal hassles, whereas in India it is a total contrast, because apart from not being a fundamental right, it is a highly regulated legal right.
5th amendment to the US Constitution guarantees that an accused will be tried for criminal offence with a system of “Grand Jury”. Grand Jury means that common people are selected by the government randomly, representing the community. They play a part in deciding the guilt of the accused persons. The number of persons selected to be in the grand jury varies from 6 to 12, or even more, if the case is controversial.
On the other hand, in India criminal trials are adjudicated by the Judges only.
Further, in US, no person’s life and liberty shall be deprived without “due process” of law.
Due process means that the content and procedure of law must be just, fair, and equitable, which will be decided by the judiciary.
Legislative power of depriving a person’s liberty is restricted and scrutinized and evaluated by the judiciary.
In India, a person’s life and liberty shall be deprived according to the “procedure established by law”.
The world “procedure established by law” gives wide discretionary power to the legislature to restrict the liberty.
Nevertheless, the Supreme Court in Maneka Gandhi case (even though the court did not use the word due process) held that the procedure established by law must be fair, just and equitable.
The Indian Parliament deleted the Right to Property from the list of Fundamental Rights in 1978. Whereas, in US, the right to property is still a fundamental right and no property shall be acquired without just compensation.
A person accused of crime enjoys certain explicit rights under the 6th Amendment to the US Constitution: speedy and public trial, notice of accusation, compulsory process of obtaining witness in his favor and assistance of legal counsel of his choice.
All these rights in India are not expressly mentioned in the Constitution. Nonetheless, these rights are provided by the Supreme Court by broadly interpreting the Right to Life and Liberty under Article 21.
Further, the 8th amendment to the US Constitution says that bail shall not be denied to an accused, the imposed fine should not be excessive and inflicted punishment shall not be cruel. These rights are also made available to Indian people because of well-established precedents pronounced by the Supreme Court under Article 21.
9th Amendment to the US Constitution is quite important because it says that mere enumeration of certain rights in the Constitution shall not be interpreted to deny the other rights retained by the American people.
In spite of the statutory rights in the Constitution people enjoy other rights, which are given by nature. The American Constitution is highly influenced by Locke’s philosophy of inalienable natural rights of human being.
The Indian Constitution, on the other hand, does not contain any such notable Article. Therefore, Indians enjoy only those rights recognized by the Constitution, which are based on the philosophy of Austin and Bentham’s theory of law.
Distribution of Legislative Power
India
Seventh Schedule of the Indian Constitution distributes the legislative power between the Central and State governments. The Central and State governments have exclusive power to make laws on 97 and 66 subjects, listed in the Union and State list respectively. On the 47 matters of Concurrent list both the Centre and State can make laws. In case of conflicting laws, law of the Centre would prevail.
97th subject in the Union list says that any subject, which does not belong to any other list would automatically confer power to the Parliament to make a law regarding that subject. Thus, our constitution makers have created stronger Central and weaker State governments, which depend on the Central government for the financial assistance.
US
It is quite contrary in the case of US, where no elaborative mechanism is provided. Few expressly mentioned subjects are with the federal and rest of the matters with State governments.
Emergency and Suspension of Writs
In India, an emergency can be declared on the ground of War and Armed Rebellion. During such emergency all fundamental rights except the right to life can be suspended. The American Constitution does not use the phrase of emergency but says that in case of Rebellion and Invasion of Public Safety, the writ of Habeas Corpus can be suspended.
Judiciary
There is no qualification mentioned for the appointment of judges of the Supreme Court. In America, the President has the final say in the appointment of Supreme Court Judges. He suggests the names of judges to the Senate and on the advice and consent of the Senate, judges are appointed by the President.
The Judicial Committee of Senate plays a very significant role in evaluating the credentials of the proposed judges of the Supreme Court. They make the investigation of the background of judges, they hold a face-to-face interaction with the judges, the judges are queered and grilled and questions are put.
The whole process happens in public and in a transparent manner. If a citizen of the US has any information about judges’ integrity, he can send that information, with evidence, to the Senate Judicial Committee, which further investigates to ensure that no unworthy candidate is appointed as a Judge to the Supreme Court.
In the appointment of Judges, the people of US also participate and the judiciary of US has no role to play in the appointment of judges. The entire process of appointment of judges is crystal clear.
There is no fixed tenure of the judges. However, if they are retiring at the age of 70 years, they will get salary and perks as a working judge.
In India, on the other hand, the entire process of appointment of judges happens in a darkroom, between the judiciary and executive. The people of India come to know of the judges only after their appointment. Neither the people are informed in advance, nor does the executive make an open inquiry about judges.
The President appoints Judges to the Supreme Court based on a process, in which the Chief justice and four senior judges of the SC play a very dominant and decisive role. The entire process of appointment of judges happens in the backyard and under the carpet without the involvement of the people, which is cited by many as a serious flaw of the Indian legal system. The judges hold the office up to the age of 65 years.
Amendment of the Constitution
There are two ways to amend the US Constitution:
Proposed by the Congress and ratified by the States
-Amendment to be passed by 2/3rd majority in both the Houses
-To be ratified by the State Legislatures of at least 3/4th of the States
2. Proposed by States and ratified by the States
-2/3rd of the States should pass a resolution to this effect
-They will communicate to the Congress. The Congress will call the convention.
-In the convention, it has to be ratified by 3/4th of the States
In case of India, the amendment process is easy and flexible as compared to the US.
In India, it is only the Parliament that can propose an amendment to the Constitution and States do not have any role to play in this matter. While some of the Articles can be amended by a simple majority,
While some of the Articles can be amended by a simple majority, a special majority is required for others, and in some limited Articles, ratification by more than half of the States is also required. The majority here means the majority of the Members of the Parliament present on the date of the amendment and is not related to the total strength of the Parliament.
The fact that the US Constitution got amended only 27 times in the last 225 years, shows how rigid it is to amend the US Constitution, in contrast to the Indian Constitution.
One of the most important features of the British constitution is its unwritten character. There is no such thing as a written, precise and compact document, which may be called as the British constitution. The main reason for this is that it is based on conventions and political traditions, which have not been laid down in any document, unlike a written constitution, which is usually a product of a constituent assembly.
Indian Constitution, in comparison, is the lengthiest written constitution in the world.
Evolutionary
The British constitution is a specimen of evolutionary development. It was never framed by any constituent assembly. It has an unbroken continuity of development over a period of more than a thousand years. It is said that the British Constitution is a product of wisdom and chance.
The Indian Constitution has certain similarities as well as differences on this particular aspect. It differs from the British Constitution to the extent that it is a written document and has well defined provisions. However, it too is open to evolution, given that the provision of
However, it too is open to evolution, given that the provision of an amendment is kept such, so as to allow for the Constitution to evolve according to the needs and sensibilities of the time.
Flexibility
The British constitution is a classic example of a flexible constitution. It can be passed, amended and repealed by a Simple Majority (50% of the members present and voting) of the Parliament, since no distinction is made between a constitutional law and an ordinary law. Both are treated alike. The element of flexibility has provided the virtue of adaptability and adjustability to the British constitution. This quality has enabled it to grow with needs of the time.
Indian Constitution, in contrast, is both flexible as well as rigid. This compliments the basic ideology of the Indian Constitution quite well, wherein certain features like Sovereignty, Secularism, and Republic et al have been held sacrosanct, but otherwise the Constitution is amendable.
Unitary vs. Federal Features
The British constitution has a unitary character as opposed to a federal one. All powers of the government are vested in the British Parliament, which is a sovereign body. Executive organs of the state are subordinate to the Parliament, exercise delegated powers and are answerable to it. There is only one legislature. England, Scotland, Wales etc. are administrative units and not politically autonomous units. The Indian Constitution, on the other hand, is federal.
Unitary
Federal
Confederation
Units come together and form the state.
All power lies with the Centre Powers for Provincial
Government comes from the Constitution.
Centre delegates power to the provincial government.
Example: India Real power with the units.
Example: Britain Opposite to Unitary
Example: EU, USA
Parliamentary Executive
This is one important similarity between the British and the Indian Constitution. (In addition to the Sovereignty of Parliament)
Britain has a Parliamentary form of government. The King, who is sovereign, has been deprived of all his powers and authority. The real functionaries are Ministers, who belong to the majority party in the Parliament and remain in office as long as they retain its confidence.
The Prime Minister and his Ministers are responsible to the legislature for their acts and policies. In this system, the executive and legislature are not separated, as in the Presidential form of government
Sovereignty of Parliament
The term Sovereignty means Supreme Power. A very important feature of the British Constitution is sovereignty of the British Parliament (a written constitution being absent).
The British Parliament is the only legislative body in the country with unfettered power of legislation. It can make, amend or repeal any law. Though in India’s case, we have legislature at state level too, yet the law making power of the Indian Parliament roughly corresponds to that of the British Parliament.
The courts have no power to question the validity of the laws passed by the British Parliament. The British Parliament may amend the constitution on its own authority, like an ordinary law of the land. It can make illegal what is legal and legalize what is illegal.
Here, there is a marked difference, vis-à-vis the power of Indian Judiciary to keep a tab on the legality of the law framed. Also, the ‘Basic Structure’ doctrine, lends the Indian Judiciary further power to question the legality of the law, in light of the fact that the Supreme Court of India is the highest interpreter of the Constitution of India.
Role of Conventions
Conventions are known as unwritten maxims (rules) of the Constitution. They provide flexibility and avoid amendments.
Most constitutions of the world have conventions. A necessary corollary to the unwritten character of the British Constitution is that conventions play a very vital role in the British political system. For example, while the Queen has the prerogative to refuse assent to a measure passed by the British Parliament, but by convention, she doesn’t do so and the same has become a principle of the constitution itself.
However, the legal status of conventions is subordinate to the written law.
Rule of Law
Another important feature of the British constitution is the Rule of Law. Constitutionalism or limited government is the essence of Rule of Law. This checks the arbitrary action on part of the Executive. According to Dicey, there are three principles of Rule of Law, found in Britain:
Protection from arbitrary arrest and the opportunity to defend oneself.
Equality before Law:All persons are equal before law, irrespective of their position or rank. Equality before Law is different from the concept of Administrative Law, which gives immunity of various types to public servants. In the absence of Constitution and Fundamental Rights in Britain, the judiciary protects this law. So this system is called as the Principle of Common Laws (in USA – Principle of Natural Law; in India – Maneka Gandhi case).
The rights of people in Britain are guaranteed by the judiciary. The Judiciary gives recognition to the common laws. Thus, the people in Britain enjoy rights, even in the absence of a Bill of Rights or Fundamental Rights.
However it has been seen that Rule of Law isn’t practiced in its real sense.
Several reasons are attributed for it:
Growth of Administrative Law
Growth of Delegated Legislation
Internal and External Emergencies
These developments have been termed as ‘New Despotism’.
Independence of Judiciary
The Rule of Law in Britain is safeguarded by the provision that judges can only be removed from office for serious misbehavior and according to a procedure requiring the consent of both the Houses of Parliament. So, the judges are able to give their judgments without any fear or favor.
The same has been adopted in India, where independence of Judiciary is hailed as an unmistakable part of the Constitution (one of the features of the ‘Basic Structure’ doctrine).
Organs of the State
Executive
The Executive in Britain is called as Crown. Earlier, the Crown symbolized King. Now, the King is part of the Crown.
The Crown, as an institution, consists of the following:
King
Prime Minister
Council of Ministers (CoM)
Permanent Executive, the Civil Servants
Privy Council
Crown: King is dead. Long live the King. In Britain, initially all power lied with the King. Later on, power shifted out of the institution of the King to the institution of CoM headed by the P.M., Permanent Executive and the Privy Council etc. Today, the Crown comprises of all these institutions. Hence, the first part of the statement describes the King as a person, while the second part describes the King or Crown as an institution.
Nature of Monarchy: Britain has a constitutional monarchy and a constitutional monarchy is not incompatible with democracy. This is because essentially the powers of the monarch as head of the state – currently Queen Elizabeth II – are ceremonial. The most important practical power is the choice of the Member of Parliament to form a government, but invariably the monarch follows the convention that this opportunity is granted to the leader of the political party or coalition, which has majority in the House of Commons.
Despite its lack of real power, the monarchy still has several important roles to play in contemporary Britain. These include:
Representing UK at home and abroad
Settings standards of citizenship and family life
Uniting people despite differences
Allegiance of the armed forces
Maintaining continuity of British traditions
Preserving a Christian morality
In addition, consider the following:
Parliamentary system requires two heads:
First head, as head of the state. He represents the nation and provides continuity to the administration.
Second head is the head of the government. He has real powers because the house has confidence in the Prime Minister. The P.M. is the leader of the House. He represents the majority of the House.
The institution of kingship is a source of psychological satisfaction. It is said that, “with the King in the Buckingham Palace, the Englishmen sleep peacefully in their houses”. The King is of great help in critical times. He usually has a very long experience and can give valuable advice in the interest of the country.
According to Bagehot, the King has three rights:
Right to warn
Right to encourage
Right to be informed
Abolishing the kingship will require an elected head. An elected head, with no real powers, will have its own set of problems. In contrast, no provision of Monarchy exists in case of Indian Constitution. Indeed, holding of titles like King etc. are forbidden as per Article 18, a Fundamental Right, thus emphasizing Equality of all Indian citizens.
British Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers: Britain has a Cabinet form of government. A cabinet is a plural or collegiate form of government. The power doesn’t lie in one person, but the entire Council of Ministers. The principle is, “all Ministers sink and swim together”. It is based on collective responsibility towards the Lower House. The Cabinet has its origins in the Privy Council set up to advise the King. The roles of cabinet include the following:
Approving policy (major policy making body)
Resolving disputes
Constraining the Prime Minister
Unifying government
Unifying the parliamentary party
Moreover, the Cabinet is the ultimate body of law making in the Parliamentary system. It is formed out of the party/group, which enjoys majority in the House. The cabinet meetings are held in private.
British Prime Minister
Position of the Prime Minister
M. is the captain of the ship of the state.
M. is the head of the Cabinet.
The party of the P.M. enjoys majority in the House.
He is the connecting link between the King and the Cabinet as well as the King and the Parliament.
The life of the House depends on the P.M. He may advice the dissolution of the House.
The other Ministers are appointed on the advice of the P.M.
The term of the other Ministers also depends on the P.M.
The P.M. as first among equals
This is also called as Primus Inter Pares or Inter Stella Luna Minores.
This explains the P.M.’s position w.r.t. other ministers. In the cabinet system, there is a principle of collective responsibility; hence other ministers are also important.
The relative position of the P.M. and other ministers in a Parliamentary system can be compared to the relative position of the President and his secretaries in the Presidential system. In the Presidential system, members of the Cabinet are chosen by the President. In USA, spoils system exists.
The Secretaries are not members of the Congress. In the Parliamentary system, ministers are also the members of either House. The P.M. cannot treat them as his subordinates.
Theoretically, the P.M. should consider himself as only first among equals, must give due respect to other members of the Cabinet and should take decisions in consultation with them. However, the P.M. is first because:
He is the one who is appointed first, since he is the leader of the House of Commons.
Other ministers are appointed on his advice.
Other ministers can be removed on his advice.
P.M. as moon among stars
This statement gives a more realistic view of the position of P.M. In practice, the P.M. gains prominence and he is not simply the first among equals. Both formal and informal factors are responsible for this.
Formal Factors:He is the link between the Parliament and the King, and ministers are appointed/removed on his advice etc.
Informal Factors:Personality factors, position of his party, external/internal emergency like situation
Difference between the British and Indian PM
Constitutional position of the Indian P.M. is modeled on the British P.M., with one difference. In India, the PM can be a member of either House of Parliament, i.e. Lok Sabha or Rajya Sabha. However, this is not so in Britain. It is a convention in Britain that the P.M. will always be a member of the Lower House (House of Commons) only.
Privy Council
It has been one of the advisory bodies to the King. It has lost relevance because of the emergence of the Cabinet. Cabinet decisions are the decisions of the Privy Council. It has some supervisory role w.r.t. University of Oxford, Cambridge etc. It also has some role in resolution of disputes related to the Church as well as a Court of Appeal in some admiralty cases.
Permanent Civil Servants/British Bureaucrats
Indian bureaucracy is modeled on the British bureaucracy.
Some features:
Bureaucracy in Britain is generalist
They are expected to be politically neutral
Recruited through competitive exams
Enjoy a lot of immunities
It is said that the British bureaucracy is not representative. It is still elitist
Bureaucrats are known as New Despots
It is said that the Bureaucracy thrives behind the cloak of ministerial responsibility
It has also been compared with Frankenstein’s monster (overpowering the Ministers)
Legislature
Essential differences between the two systems
There is a natural tendency to compare the Parliament of India with the British Parliament.
But our Parliament and Parliamentary Institutions and procedures are not a copy of the Westminster system. There are fundamental differences between their system and ours.
British Parliament has grown through some three hundred years of history. In Britain, the Parliament can said to be the only institution, which exercises sovereign powers and on which there are no limits because there is no written constitution.
India, on the other hand, has a written constitution. Powers and authorities of every organ of the Government and every functionary are only as defined and delimited by the constitutional document.
The power of Parliament itself is also clearly defined and delimited by the Constitution. However, within its own sphere, the Parliament is supreme. Also, Parliament is a representative institution of the people.
But it is not sovereign in the sense in which the British Parliament is sovereign and can do or undo anything. The point is that in the sense of constitutional sovereignty, their powers are not limited by a constitutional document.
Moreover, our constitutional document provides for fundamental rights of the individual, which are justiciable in courts of law. And any law passed by the Parliament, which abridges any of the fundamental rights can be declared ultra vires by the courts.
The courts adjudicate the disputes and while doing so, they can interpret the constitution and the laws. Also, Parliament has the constituent powers and within certain limitations it can suitably amend the constitution.
The British Parliament is bicameral, that is there are two houses or chambers – The House of Lords (strength not fixed) and The House of Commons (strength fixed at 650 members). The House of Lords has hereditary members. Moreover, it has the largest number of Life Peers, Church/Religious peers (Ecclesiastical Peers) and Law Lords.
The House of Lords
The House of Lords is the second chamber, or upper house, of the United Kingdom’s bi-cameral (two chamber) Parliament. Together with the House of Commons and the Crown, the House of Lords form the UK Parliament. There are four types of members of the house:
Life peers:These make up the majority of the membership. The power to appoint belongs formally to the Crown, but members are essentially created by the Queen on the advice of the Prime Minister. Life peers’ titles cease on death.
Law lords:Up to 12 Lords of Appeal in Ordinary are specially appointed to hear appeals from the lower courts. They are salaried and can continue to hear appeals until they are 70 years of age.
Bishops:The Anglican Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of Durham, London and Winchester and the 21 senior Diocesan Bishops from other dioceses of the Church of England hold seats in the House. This is because the Church of England is the ‘established’ Church of the State. When they retire the bishops stop being members of the House.
Elected Hereditary peers:The House of Lords Act, 1999 ended the right of hereditary peers to sit and vote in the House of Lords. Until then there had been about 700 hereditary members. While the Bill was being considered, an amendment was passed (known as the Weatherill amendment after Lord Weatherill who proposed it), which enabled 92 of the existing hereditary peers to remain as members.
The House of Lords can propose and make changes, known as amendments. However its powers are limited; if it doesn’t approve of a piece of legislation, it can only delay its passage into law for up to a year. After that, there are rules to ensure that the wishes of the House of Commons and the Government of the day prevail.
In fact, the House of Lords could be labeled as one of the weakest upper house in the world. Since the passage of the Act of 1919 and 1949, the House of Lords has lost all real legislative powers. It is simply a delaying chamber now. It can delay an ordinary bill for a maximum period of one year and money bill for a maximum period of one month.
In comparison to Rajya Sabha, the House of Lords is a weak house. Rajya Sabha has equal powers with Lok Sabha, as far as an ordinary bill is concerned (though, there is provision of a joint session, but it is an extraordinary device).
Rajya Sabha has equal power with Lok Sabha as far as the amendment of the Constitution is concerned. Rajya Sabha is also a delaying chamber, like the House of Lords, as far as a Money Bill is concerned. Rajya Sabha can delay the bill for a maximum of fourteen days. Rajya Sabha does have some special powers, which are not available to Lok Sabha; for example: Articles 249 and 312.
Comparison between the House of Lords and Senate of USA
Senate is called as the strongest Upper House. It enjoys equal power with the House of Representative in the context of an Ordinary Bill, a Constitutional Bill and even in passage of a Money Bill. It is customary to introduce Money Bill in the Lower House.
The Senate also enjoys some special powers not available to the House of Representatives. For example, ratification of international treaties, ratification of higher appointments. The House of Lords did enjoy a privilege that it used to be the highest Court of Appeal in Britain. But this has now ceased to exist, as the Supreme Court has been created by the Constitutional Reform Act, 2005 (SC established in 2009).
The House of Commons
This is the lower chamber, but the one with most authority. It is chaired by the Speaker.
Unlike the Speaker in the US House of Representatives, the post is non-political and indeed, by convention, the political parties do not contest the Parliamentary constituency held by the Speaker. The number of members varies slightly from time to time to reflect population change.
In modern practice, the Prime Minister is the head of the Government and is always a member of the majority party or coalition in the House of Commons.
The Cabinet comprises primarily leading House of Commons Members of the majority, although Members of the House of Lords have served as Cabinet ministers. In fact, designating someone outside Parliament as a “life peer” has been one recent means of bringing someone essentially from private life into the Government.
The Prime Minister, although head of the Government and an MP, is now not usually the Leader of the House of Commons.
The Leader of the House of Commons, a member of the Government, is the chief spokesman for the majority party on matters of the internal operation of the House of Commons.
The Office of the Leader issues announcements of the impending House of Commons schedule, and a routine inquiry from the Opposition’s counterpart serves as an occasion for the Leader to announce the business for the next two weeks of session.
In the House of Commons, party organizations (akin to the Republican Conference or Democratic Caucus) meet regularly to discuss policy, and to provide an opportunity for backbench party members to voice their views to ministers or shadow cabinet members in a private forum.
The Position of Speaker of the House of Commons and its Comparison with the Indian and American Speaker
Features of British Speaker
The position of the Speaker is a position of great prestige and dignity. In UK, there is a convention that once a Speaker, always a Speaker. It means that a Speaker’s constituency is unchallenged. Once a person is appointed as a Speaker he gives formal resignation from his political parties. He has a casting vote and ultimate disciplinary powers with respect to the conduct of the House and MPs.
US Speaker (Speaker of House of Representatives)
He is expected to be a party man, not expected to be neutral; instead he favours his party. He does not have final disciplinary powers, which lie with the House itself. In USA, the Speaker can vote in the beginning.
Speaker of Lok Sabha
Though our position is midway between the British and the US model, it is theoretically closer to the British model. But similar conventions do not exist. For instance:
It is not necessary for the Speaker to resign from his party
If he decides to resign, he will not be disqualified under the Anti-defection law.
No convention in India that he will be elected uncontested.
Judiciary
Under the doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty, the judiciary lacks the intrinsic power to strike down an Act of Parliament. However, the subordination of common law to statute law does not mean the subordination of the Judiciary to the executive. Courts in Britain retain certain powers:
Of interpreting the precise meaning of a statute.
Of reviewing the actions of ministers and other public officials by applying the doctrine of ultra vires (beyond powers).
Of applying the concept of natural justice to the actions of ministers and others.
Because Parliament is sovereign, the government can seek to overturn the decisions of the courts by passing amendment legislation. The power of judicial review provides the judiciary with a potentially significant role in the policy process.
In recent decades, there has been an upsurge in judicial activism for several reasons:
Judges have been more willing to review and quash ministerial action
British membership of the EU
The incorporation of the ECHR (European Convention on Human Rights) into domestic law
Devolution of powers to elected assemblies in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland
The creation of a Supreme Court in 2009.
Comparison between the Indian and British Judiciary
Differences
In case of British system, the lack of concept of ‘Basic Structure’ makes amending power of the Parliament supersede any judicial pronouncement. Whereas, in case of the Indian Judiciary system, the concept of ‘Basic Structure’ has provided a potent tool to Judiciary by which it can scuttle down any Executive or Legislative action, which it deems as against the basic spirit of the Constitution.
British legal system is completely based on ‘Common Law System’. Common Law System implies that law is developed by the judges through their decisions, orders, or judgments (also referred to as precedents). However, unlike the British system, which is entirely based on the Common Law System, where it had originated from, the Indian system incorporates the Common Law System along with the statutory and regulatory laws.
Similarities
The actions of Executive can be declared ultra vires in both the systems
The judiciary is considered the highest interpreter of the Constitution
Off late, there has been a splurge in judicial activism in Britain and judiciary is becoming more and more active. A similar evolution of judiciary has been noticeable in the Indian case too
Note: By Constitutional Reform Act, 2005 the Supreme Court has come into existence as the highest Court of Appeal. A National Judicial Appointment Commission has also been introduced.
Brief Synopsis of comparison drawn above
British Constitution
Product of history and the result of evolution
There is a difference between theory and practice
Flexible and unitary constitution
Parliamentary government
Rule of law and civil liberties applicable
Indian Constitution
British Constitution
Written
Unwritten
Federal
Unitary
Power is divided between Centre and states
Power is the with the Centre
No Monarchy/Republic
Has King/Queen
Comparison between British Monarch and Indian President
British Monarch
Indian President
Position of the King is hereditary
Elected
King enjoys absolute immunity; it’s said that King can do no wrong
In India the President can be impeached for violation of the Constitution
King has no discretionary powers. He is known as ‘Golden Zero’
In India there was a lack of clarity w.r.t. the Indian President. There was confusion whether he has any discretionary power or is merely a rubber stamp.
• 24th Amendment clarifies that he doesn’t have any discretionary powers. Real power lies with the PM, while the President is merely a ‘rubber stamp’.
• 44th Amendment Act again changed the stand, providing some scope for Presidential discretion. He could now send the request back to the CoM, though only once.
Comparison between British Monarch and the US President
British Monarch
US President
King as titular head
US President is both – a real as well as titular head
Hereditary Elected and can be impeached
No discretionary powers Real executive powers, subject to checks and balances
Under the Constitution, the President has power to make numerous constitutional appointments. But in reality he exercises this power on the proposal of the Cabinet. Cabinet decides who is to be appointed and at what place.
The President appoints Governor of States, ambassadors and members of a number of Commissions. The unseen finger behind all these appointments is, however, of the Cabinet. To be specific, the Prime Minister discusses with his other colleagues before the making of such appointments. Actually, cabinet accepts the appointments made by the Prime Minister.
The Constitutional Bodies in India are created by the Constitution which assists the Government to operate properly. Each of these permanent or semi-permanent organizations is accountable for the administration of specific functions. Some additional bodies help them by providing advisory functions.
Constitutional Bodies in India are the permanent or semi-permanent organization within the machinery of government. These bodies are responsible for the administration of specific functions. The functions of these bodies are usually executive type. Furthermore, different types of organization or commissions are used for advisory functions. The bodies are of national importance and help in the effective function of the government. India is a Socialist, Secular, Democratic Republic country. These constitutional or independent bodies have extensive administrative functions. The head of these bodies are either appointed by the President of India or the Prime Minister serves as the chairman.
Appointments to various constitutional posts
A Constitutional body is formed under detailed instructions given in the Constitution. It is compulsory for the government to set up such a body and it cannot dispense off with it easily when it becomes uncomfortable. Such bodies or institutions are written into the Constitution of a nation and cannot be eliminated without amending that part of the Constitution which sometimes also requires
Such bodies or institutions are written into the Constitution of a nation and cannot be eliminated without amending that part of the Constitution which sometimes also requires the consent of the states.
The Constitution of India specifies the setting up of following major constitutional bodies and has given appointment to various constitutional posts. The major constitutional bodies in India are as under:
The Finance Commission of India was established on 22nd November, 1951. It was established under Article 280 of the Indian Constitution by the President of India. It was formed to describe the financial relations between the centre and the state.
The Finance Commission has been provided for the Indian constitution as part of the scheme of division of financial resources between the two different sets of governments. Finance Commission also serves as as a constitutional body for the purpose of allocation of certain resources of income between the Union and the State Governments.
Key role
The key role Finance Commission in India is to act as an instrument to divide proceeds of divisible taxes between the states and the Union government or in cases of taxes that are collected by the centre but the proceeds of which are allocated between the states, to determine the principles of such allocation.
The Finance Commission of India also determines the principles of governing the grants in aids of the revenues of states out of the consolidated fund of India. It is an important function of the Indian Finance Commission. The commission has the responsibility of considering any matter referred to the commission by the President in the interest of sound finance.
The President under Article 280 lays the recommendations of the finance commission before each House of the Parliament with an explanatory note as to the action to be taken on the recommendations.
The Finance Commission distributes of proceeds of Income-tax between the union and the states. But taxes on the payments of the central government are attributable only to the union territories.
Under Article 280 (C), the President may refer any matter to the Finance Commission in the interest of “sound finance”. Till now the President of India has asked the commission to make recommendations on the principles governing distribution of the net proceeds of estate duty in respect of Property Tax on Railway fare and excise duties on sugar and tobacco. The President also sought recommendations on the rates of interest, and terms of repayment of loans to the various states by the Government of India.
Finance Commissions mainly focuses on the financial relations between the State government and the Central government. These recommendations progressively increase share of the state governments in the proceeds of the income tax. They also increased gradually the amount of grants-in-aids to be given to the states. As a result the states now enjoy considerable degree of financial autonomy so necessary for the proper functioning of the federation.
It can be said that the Finance Commission as an autonomous body has served a wonderful purpose. In, as complex a society as India is, it acted as an agency to bring about coordination and cooperation for smooth working of a federal system.
Under the Constitution, the basis for sharing of divisible taxes by the Centre and the States and the principles governing grants-in-aid to the states have to be decided by the Commission every five years. The President can refer to the Commission any other matter in the interest of sound finance.
The recommendations of the Commission together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken by the Government on them are laid before each house of Parliament. The Commission has to assess the increase in the Consolidated Fund of a state to affix the resources of the Panchayat in the state. It also has to evaluate the increase in the Consolidated Fund of a state to affix the resources of the Municipalities in the state.
The Commission has been given passable powers to perform its function and within its area of activity. It has all the powers of the Civil Court as per the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908. It can call any witness, or can ask for the production of any public record or document from any court or office. It can ask any person to give information or document on matters as it may feel to be useful or relevant. It can function as a civil court in discharging its duties.
Key functions
The Commission makes recommendations to the president with regard to:
The distribution of the proceeds of taxes between the union and the states.
The principles which should govern the grants-in-aid to be given to the states.
Any other matter referred to the Commission by the President in the interest of sound finance.
The recommendations of the commission are generally accepted by the Union Government as well as by the parliament.
The State Public Service Commission is also a constitutional body. There is a State Public Service Commission in every state. The same set of Articles (i.e., 315 to 323) of the Constitution also deal with the composition, appointment and removal of members, power and functions and independence of a State Public Service Commission.
Composition
The composition of the State Public Service Commission is similar to that of the Union Public Service Commission.
The members of the State Public Service Commission are nominated by the Governor.
Functions
The functions of both the Commissions are also similar. Only the jurisdiction of the Union Public Service Commission is far wider than that of the State Public Service Commission. The jurisdiction of the Union Public Service Commission extends across the entire length and breadth of the country because it is related to the Civil Service of the Union Government. The Jurisdiction of the State Public Service Commission is limited within the State.
Powers, Functions, and Responsibilities of State Public Service Commission
A State Public Service Commission performs all those functions in respect of the state services as the UPSC does in relation to the Central services:
It conducts examinations for appointments to the services of the state.
It is consulted on the following matters related to personnel management.
All matters relating to methods of recruitment to civil services and for civil posts.
The principles to be followed in making appointments to civil services and posts and in making promotions and transfers from one service to another.
The suitability of candidates for appointments to civil services and posts for promotions and transfers from one service to another, and appointments by transfer or deputation. The concerned departments make recommendations for promotions and request the SPSC to ratify them.
The Supreme Court has held that if the government fails to consult the State Public Service Commission in these matters, the aggrieved public servant has no remedy in a court. In other words, the court held that any irregularity in consultation with the State Public Service Commission or acting without consultation does not invalidate the decision of the government.
Thus, the provision is directory and not mandatory. Similarly, the court held that a selection by the SPSC does not confer any right to the post upon the candidate. However, the government is to act fairly and without arbitrariness.
The additional functions relating to the services of the state can be conferred on State Public Service Commission by the state legislature. It can also place the personnel system of any local authority, corporate body or public institution within the jurisdiction of the SPSC. Hence the jurisdiction of SPSC can be extended by an Act made by the state legislature.
The State Public Service Commission presents, annually, to the governor a report on its performance. The governor places this report before both the Houses of the state legislature, along with a memorandum explaining the cases where the advice of the Commission was not accepted and the reasons for such non-acceptance.
The Constitution of India provides for an independent office of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG). He is the head of the Indian Audit and Accounts Department. He is the guardian of the public purse and controls the entire financial system of the country at both the levels- the centre and state. His duty is to uphold the Constitution of India and the laws of Parliament in the field of financial administration.
CAG helps the parliament/state legislatures hold their respective governments accountable. He is one of the bulwarks of the democratic system of government in India; the others being the SC, the ECI and the UPSC. It is for these reasons Dr. B R Ambedkar said that the CAG shall be the most important Officer under the Constitution of India and his duties are far more important than the duties of even the judiciary.
Backgrounder
The role of the CAG evolved in British India with Lord Canning initiating a major administrative drive before the Mutiny of 1857. In May 1858, for the first time, a separate department was set up with an Accountant General, who was responsible for accounting and auditing the financial transactions under the East India Company. After Mutiny, the British Crown took over and passed the Government of India Act 1858.
This laid the foundation stone of Imperial Audit. Sir Edward Drummond took charge in 1860 as the first Auditor General and the term ‘Comptroller and Auditor General of India’ was first used in 1884. Under the Montford Reforms of 1919, the Auditor General became independent of the government. The Government of India Act 1935 strengthened the position of the Auditor General by providing for Provincial Auditors General in a federal set-up.
Comparison with UK
In India the institution of CAG only audits the accounts after the expenditure is committed. It does not have control over the withdrawal of money as in UK where the name Comptroller is justified since no money can be drawn from the public exchequer without the approval of the CAG.
Constitutional provisions
Art. 148: broadly speaks of the CAG, his appointment, oath and conditions of service
Art. 149: broadly speaks of the Duties and Powers of the CAG
Art. 150: The accounts of the Union and of the States shall be kept in such form as the President may, on the advice of the CAG, prescribe.
Art. 151: Audit Reports: The reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India relating to the accounts of the Union shall be submitted to the president, who shall cause them to be laid before each House of Parliament.
The reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India relating to the accounts of a State shall be submitted to the Governor of the State, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State.
Independence of the Institution of CAG
For effective functioning of this important institution of the CAG it is paramount to ensure independence. There are several provisions enshrined in the Constitution to safeguard CAG’s independence.
He is appointed by the President by a warrant under his hand and seal and his oath of office requires him to uphold the Constitution of India and the laws made there-under.
He is provided with a security of tenure and can be removed by the President only in accordance with the procedure mentioned in the Constitution (same as a judge of SC).
He is not eligible for further office, either under the Government of India or of any state, after he ceases to hold his office.
His salary and other service conditions though determined by the Parliament cannot be varied to his disadvantage after appointment.
His administrative powers and the conditions of service of persons serving in the Indian Audit and Accounts Department shall be prescribed by the President only after consulting him.
The administrative expenses of the office of CAG, including all salaries, allowances and pensions of persons serving in that office are charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India and are not subject to the vote of Parliament.
Duties and Powers of the CAG
Sources of the Audit Mandate of CAG
Constitution– The existence and mandate of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India emanates from Articles 148 to 151 of the Constitution. Article 149 stipulates the Duties and Powers of the Comptroller and Auditor General
Statute– DPC Act, 1971 (Duties, Powers and Conditions of Service Act) lays down the general principles of Government accounting and the broad principles in regard to audit of receipts and expenditure
Regulations– Regulations on Audit and accounts as framed and notified in the official Gazette.
Scope of audit– Within the audit mandate, the Comptroller and Auditor General is the sole authority to decide the scope and extent of audit to be conducted by him or on his behalf.
Duties
He audits the accounts related to all expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of India, Consolidated Fund of each state and UT having a legislative assembly.
He audits all expenditure from the Contingency Fund of India and the Public Account of India as well as the Contingency Fund and Public Account of each state.
He audits all trading, manufacturing, profit and loss accounts, balance sheets and other subsidiary accounts kept by any department of the Central Government and the state governments.
He audits the receipts and expenditure of all bodies and authorities substantially financed from the Central or State revenues; government companies; other corporations and bodies, when so required by related laws.
Functions
He audits all transactions of the Central and state governments related to debt, sinking funds, deposits, advances, suspense accounts and remittance business.
He audits the accounts of any other authority when requested by the President or Governor e.g. Local bodies.
He advises the President with regard to prescription of the form in which the accounts of the Centre and states shall be kept.
He submits his audit reports relating to the accounts of the Centre to the President, who shall, in turn, place them before both the houses of Parliament.
He submits his audit reports relating to the accounts of a State to the Governor, who shall, in turn, place them before the state legislature.
He ascertains and certifies the net proceeds of any tax or duty and his certificate is final on the matter.
He acts as a guide, friend and philosopher of the Public Accounts Committee of the Parliament.
He compiles and maintains the accounts of state governments. In 1976, he was relieved of his responsibilities with regard to the compilation and maintenance of accounts of the Central government due to separation of accounts from audit.
He submits 3 audit reports to the President: audit report on appropriation accounts, audit report on finance accounts and audit report on public undertakings.
There are the following limitations on the powers of CAG
Its report is post-facto i.e. after the expenditure is incurred and has only prospective value in improving systems and procedures.
Secret service expenditure is outside the purview of the CAG and he cannot call for particulars of expenditure incurred by the executive agencies, but has to accept a certificate from the competent administrative authority that the expenditure has been so incurred.
Since the legislation, the government has increased its participation with the private sector through the PPT (public-private-transfer) and BOT (build-own-transfer) model. However the rules have not undergone a significant change and CAG does not have the power to audit PPP (Public Private Partnership) investments.
There is no provision for auditing of funds that are given to an NGO and elected local bodies. Today NGOs have become a conduit for a multitude of government schemes.
CAG presently does not have the full authority to audit the PRIs and ULBs. In most states, the Examiners functioning under the Finance Department audit the accounts of local bodies.
DRDAs (District Rural Development Authority) today are managing large sums of money for rural development yet they also are outside the purview of CAG audits.
In light of the above limitations and changes in the Indian polity such as increasing role of civil society and NGOs, liberalisation of the economy, PPP mode of investments the DPC Act, 1971 must be reviewed to bring in greater accountability and transparency in every sphere that touches public life. CAG’s work should go beyond the question of whether government funds are being spent appropriately to ask whether programs and policies are meeting their objectives and the needs of society
Types of Audit performed by CAG
Regulatory Audit: It is an audit to ascertain whether the moneys spent were authorised for the purpose for which they were spent and also that the expenditure incurred was in conformity with the laws, rules and regulations.
Supplementary Audit: CAG takes up supplementary audits in PSUs, even after the commercial audits are done by the auditors appointed by the CAG, for detection of leakages.
Propriety Audit: It focuses on whether the expenditure made is in public interest or not i.e. it moves beyond mere scrutiny of expenditure to question its wisdom and economy in order to identify cases of improper expenditure and waste of public money.
Efficiency Audit: Efficiency audit as the name suggests answers the question whether the money invested yields optimum results. The main purpose of the efficiency audit is to ensure that the investment is prioritized and channeled into its most profitable utilization.
Performance Audit: Performance audit answers whether the government programmes such as NREGA have achieved the desired objectives at the lowest cost and given the intended benefits. It generally does not get into the merits-demerits of a particular policy/scheme rather looks into the effectiveness with which the scheme is implemented and any deficiencies thereof.
Environmental Audit: This is a relatively new area of concern for the CAG keeping in mind the challenges facing India with respect to conservation and management of the environment. More than 100 audits on environmental issues like bio-diversity, pollution of rivers, waste management have been conducted by the CAG to identify critical issues and suggest possible solutions by involving all stakeholders.
Recent Issues
Mode of Appointment
The present selection process for the CAG is entirely internal to the Government machinery; no one outside has any knowledge of what criteria are applied, how names are shortlisted and how a final selection is made.
Thus presently there is a lack of clarity on the criterion, the definition of field of choice, the procedures for the selection of this high constitutional functionary.
In most of the other countries there is no scope for the head of the Supreme Audit Institution to be chosen at the discretion of the Government. It is desirable that India adopts the international practice of appointing head of Supreme Audit Institution to be independent of the discriminatory power of the Executive.
Another related issue is that of the appointment of IAS officers as the CAG. In the last 48 years since 1966 only one IAS officer has been chosen while all other postings went to senior civil servants.
From the viewpoint of IAS this looks like the systematic exclusion of that service and the virtual absorption of the post of CAG in the IAS cadre. This perception has had a demoralising effect on the IAS cadre. Whether that feeling is right or wrong, it exists; and it is bound to have some effect on the commitment, zeal and courage with which the audit function is performed.
The answer to it is not to exclude the IAS, nor to reserve the post exclusively for the IAS, but to ensure that the appointment processes are such as to leave no room at all for a sense of unfairness or suspicions of impropriety; and that the selected person, from wherever he or she be drawn, is of such unquestionable suitability as to command respect both within and outside the audit department.
The field of choice should certainly be wide, and should include the IAS, other central accounts services (civil accounts, railway accounts and defence accounts), the IAS, and a limited number of accounts, finance and management experts from outside the government.
ICAI (Institute of Chartered Accountants in India) Code of Ethics states that an auditor’s independence has two aspects- independence in fact and independence in appearance. The appointment of former secretaries as CAG may compromise the independence of this institution because of apparent/perceived conflict of interest.
Recent Example
There are 2 PILs have been filed in the SC against the appointment of former defence secretary Shashi Kant Sharma as the new CAG. Before being appointed the CAG, Mr. Sharma had served in key positions in the defence ministry that involved decision making powers over purchases including the Augusta Westland Chopper deal and the Tatra trucks deal. His appointment is thus being questioned in the context of conflict of interest and also that it goes against the code of ethics of auditors.
Recommended Mode of Appointment
There is a need to frame a transparent selection procedure based on definite criteria and constitute a broad-based non- partisan selection committee, which after calling for applications and nominations would recommend the most suitable person for appointment as CAG.
There needs to be an institutionalised process of selection for the post of CAG, a selection committee as seen in the appointment of CVC (involving PM, Leader of Opposition and Home Minister) and the Chairman of the NHRC may be considered. The above steps could go a long way in ensuring that an outstandingly able person of great independence and integrity is selected to this high constitutional office.
Should the CAG go into policy decision?
In the recent past CAG’s reports on 2G, Coal blocks allocation, Delhi Airport PPP have made the Government very uncomfortable with the audit findings. In order to defend its position, some members of the ruling party have raised questions about CAG’s jurisdiction and observed that he has exceeded his mandate. What is the veracity of such criticism? The CAG’s role should be viewed in the context of our constitutional scheme under which the executive is accountable to Parliament. CAG is an essential instrument for enforcing the accountability mechanism as the CAG’s reports on government’s stewardship of public finance are required to be placed in Parliament and state legislatures under Article 151 of the Constitution. To enable him to discharge this responsibility, without fear or favour, he has been given an independent status under Article 148 analogous to that of a Supreme Court judge.
The word ‘audit’ has not been defined in either the Constitution or in the CAG Act, 1971. We have so far been going by 150 years of history, tradition, existing provisions and international practice. The CAG has not formulated his own policy in the above reports and has only gone by policy prescriptions recommended internally at various levels within the government. It is within the mandate of CAG to comment on a policy in cases wherein-
The financial implications of a policy were not gone into at all before the decision was made
The assessment of financial implications was quite clearly wrong
The numbers were correct but the reasoning behind the decision was questionable
Further, the CAG is bound by the oath of office to uphold the Constitution of India and thus is bound to comment on policy matters that seem unconstitutional. If the government were to formulate a scheme or policy that selectively confers benefits from public funds on an individual or a group to the exclusion of others, it is the CAG’s duty to point this out. Thus the CAG was well within his mandate to comment on the above policy decisions.
Another criticism has been of the Notional and Presumptive loss figures as claimed in the reports. There is a genuine dilemma here. If the reports were to make a bland statement that an alternative procedure would have yielded more revenue to the government or would have meant less discretionary patronage, it would give no indication of the financial dimensions of the decision or the importance of the matter.
Putting a number on it brings this home. On the other hand, when a number is mentioned, the discussion tends to focus on it and not on the issues involved. There is no easy way out of this dilemma. All that one can say is that the ‘notional’ number should e carefully estimated, making the assumptions and methodology clear. This is what the CAG has done. He has not claimed that his figures are definitive.
The assumptions can be questioned, the methodology can be questioned, the resulting number can be debated; what cannot be questioned is the procedural or substantive lapse to which the figure points.
The UPSC is a central agency that has great responsibility for conducting examinations pertaining to Civil Services, Engineering Services, Defence Services, and Medical Services. It also conducts Economic Service, Statistical Service, and Police Forces examination.
The Union Public Service Commission of India was formed by the British Government during the British rule. In 1924, Lee Commission had suggested in its report for the establishment of an independent and impartial Public Service Commission for India and on the basis of such recommendation, the Union Public Service Commission was established in 1926.
Consequently by the government of India Act 1935, Public Service Commission was established separately for both the central and the state government services. After independence, arrangements were made to establish an independent and neutral Union Public Service Commission for the said purpose following the pattern adopted in the Government of India Act 1935.
Constitutional Provisions
Article 315 to 323 of Indian Constitution has a provision for such an agency.
According to Act 315 of the constitution of India, there shall be a permanent Union Public Service Commission for appointment to the various posts of the central government services.
Similarly, as Act 318 of the constitution of India also stated that the Union Public Service Commission will be constituted with a chairman and a fixed number of members; the number of such members and the terms and conditions of their service is to be determined by the President of India. The President, as such, appoints the Chairman and other members of the commission for a period of six years.
Appointment and Tenure
The Commission consists of a Chairman and ten other members. They are appreciative to follow the rules mentioned in Union Public Service Commission (Members) Regulations, 1969.
All the members of the commission are appointed by the President of India with at least half of the members being the Civil Servants (working or retired) with no less than ten years of experience in Central or State service.
The Constitution of India has also espoused certain measures to guarantee the neutrality and fairness of the U.P.S.C.
The Chairman of the Union Public Service Commission has not been authorized to take any office of profit under the central or any of the state governments after his retirement from service as chairman.
Furthermore, before the expiry of their term of service, the executive cannot remove the Chairman or any of the members of the commission from their service. They can be removed only through the means stipulated in the constitution. Apart from this, once these members are appointed the terms and conditions of their services cannot be changed.
Art. 322 announces that the remuneration and allowances of these members including the chairman will be considered as expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India, which means that their salaries and allowances are not subjected to the approval of the Parliament.
The Secretariat of UPSC is led by a Secretary, two additional secretaries, joint secretaries, and deputy secretaries.
Every member can hold office for six years or till the time he attains the age of 65 years, whichever is earlier.
A member can submit his resignation at any time to the President of India.
On the other side, the President can eliminate him on the basis of misbehaviour.
The UPSC submits a report of its work to the President annually. The report is then tabled in both houses of Parliament for discussion. The President places a memorandum in relation to the cases where the commission’s recommendations were not accepted. The memorandum elucidates the reasons for non-acceptance.
Functions of Union Public Service Commission
The duty of the Union Public Service Commission will be to conduct examinations for appointment to the services of the Union. Art. 320 of the constitution of India have categorically itemized the functions of the Union Public Service Commission (Tummala, 1994).
Foremost function of Union Public Service Commission is to advocate for appointment in administrative services the meritorious and potential young men and women after selecting them through All India competitive examinations.
Another function of U.P.S.C. is to assists them in framing and operating schemes of joint recruitment for any service for which candidates possessing special qualification.
Union Public Service Commission advises the President on “all matters relating to methods of recruitment to civil services and for civil posts.
Principles to be followed in making appointments to civil services and posts and in making promotions and transfers from the service to another and on the suitability of candidates for such appointments promotions or transfer.
Next function is to look at all disciplinary matters affecting a person serving under the Government of India or the Government of a State in a civil capacity, including memorials or petitions relating to such matter.
Other functions of Union Public Service Commission are as under:
To conduct examinations for appointment to the services of the Union and conduct interviews for direct recruitment.
To advise on any matter referred to them and on any matter which the president may refer to the appropriate commission.
To exercise such additional functions as may be provided for by an Act of Parliament regarding the services of the Union and also with respect to the services of any local authority constituted by law.
It shall be the duty of the Union Public Service Commission if requested by any two or more states, to assist those States in framing and operating schemes of joint recruitment for any service.
It is generally compulsory for the Government of India to consult the Union Public Service Commission in respect of all the above matters. Nevertheless, the President has the power to make rules, specifying the matters in which, either generally or in particular circumstances the commission may not be consulted. Under the Union Public Service Commission (exemption from consultation) regulations framed by the President in 1958, it is not obligatory for the President to consult the U.P.S.C. in the following cases.
Posts in respect of which the authority of appointment, has specifically been conferred by the constitution in the President, Chairman of members of any Board, Tribunal Commission, Committee or any other similar authority, created under a statute or under the authority of a resolution of either Houses of the Parliament or by a resolution of the government of India for conducting an enquiry into any matter or advising the government of specified matters.
Posts concerned with the administration of North-East Frontier Agency and any service or post in respect of which the commission has agreed that it is not necessary for it to be consulted. The temporary and officiating appointments can also be made without consulting the U.P.S.C. provided the incumbent is not likely to hold the post for more than a year. But intimation has to be sent to the commission regarding such appointment as soon as the posts are filled. Similarly there is no need to make any reference to the commission regarding the reservation of posts in favour of backward classes, Scheduled Castes, Schedule Tribes.
Independence of UPSC
The Constitution has made the following provisions to safeguard and ensure the independent and impartial functioning of the UPSC:
The chairman or a member of the UPSC can be removed from office by the President only in the manner and on the grounds mentioned in the Constitution. Thus, they enjoy security of tenure.
The conditions of service of the chairman or a member, though determined by the President, cannot be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.
The entire expenses including the salaries, allowances, and pensions of the Chairman and members of the UPSC are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India and are not subject to the vote of Parliament.
The chairman of the UPSC on ceasing to hold office is not eligible for further employment in the Government of India or any state.
A member of the UPSC is eligible for appointment as the Chairman of UPSC or a State Public Service Commission but not for any other employment in the Government of India or any state
The chairman or a member of UPSC is not eligible for reappointment to that office for a second term.
UPSC and Central Vigilance Commission
Since the emergence of CVC, the role of UPSC in disciplinary matters has been affected. Both are consulted by the government while taking disciplinary action against a civil servant. Here, UPSC being an independent body has an edge over CVC which got statutory status in 2003. Recently, in order to ensure speedy
Here, UPSC being an independent body has an edge over CVC which got statutory status in 2003. Recently, in order to ensure speedy finalisation of disciplinary matters and to avoid possibilities of the difference of opinion between UPSC and CVC, it has been decided as a policy to prescribe only one consultation- either with CVC or UPSC. However, in disciplinary cases wherein UPSC is not required to be consulted, the consultation with CVC would continue to be made.
However, in disciplinary cases wherein UPSC is not required to be consulted, the consultation with CVC would continue to be made.
Exemptions
In order to exempt some posts which for reasons of National Security or some other reasons may not be required to be referred to the Commission for their advice, the Union Public Service Commission (Exemption from Consultations) Regulations were issued on September 1, 1958, under Article 320(3)(a) and (b) of the Constitution. These Regulations are amended or revised as and when the need arises. The following matters are kept outside the purview of UPSC:
While making reservations of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens
While taking into consideration the claims of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in making appointments to services and posts
With regard to the selections for chairmanship or membership of commissions or tribunals, posts of the highest diplomatic nature and a bulk of group C and group D services
With regard to the selection for temporary appointments for not more than a year
The President can exclude posts, services and matters from the purview of the UPSC. The President can also, in respect to the all-India services and Central services and posts may make regulations specifying the matters in which it shall not be necessary for UPSC to be consulted. All such regulations shall be laid before the Parliament which can amend or repeal them.
Mechanisation – Project Sampera
The Commission has recently undertaken a project called “SAMPERA” (Screening and Mechanised Processing of Examination and Recruitment Applications). A simplified single sheet common application form for all the examinations has been devised which will be scanned by using OMR/ICR technology.
The implementation of this project will mainly help in high speed scanning of data from forms eliminating manual entry. Other benefits will be accurate and faster generation of Admit Cards, Attendance lists with photo replica and signature facsimile of each candidate, and Error-free list of doubtful cases.
The main aim of this project is to cope with the increasing volume of applications through innovations and mechanised handling so as to reduce the processing time and send communications faster to minimized errors. The cases of impersonation/malpractices will also be eliminated and wasteful expenditure will be reduced.
Suggestions for rejuvenating UPSC
To serve as a think-tank on personnel issues: It should go beyond the recruitment role to answer evolving issues relating to civil services and their role in a rapidly changing society.
Association of Research Institutes and Universities in the functioning of UPSC: Services are often out of touch with new developments in technology and knowledge. UPSC should liaison with such institutions to conduct regular specially designed courses for administration
Need of Decentralisation on the pattern of US: The increase in work of the commission has been manifold, it currently handles more than 14 lakh applications and scrutinises and advises in regard to 650 Recruitment Rules of different services/posts. There is a need of decentralization to effectively align with this increase in workload
Keep in sync with changing times: UPSC so far has worked with remarkable competence, impartiality and integrity.
However a new world based on openness, accountability and delivery has emerged. UPSC needs to be in sync with these changes.
Powers of Union Public Service Commission (U.P.S.C)
Main power of Union Public Service Commission is its advisory power. It can give advises to the President and the governors of any State of the following affairs:
On all matters related with the appointment of the civil services of the governments.
The evaluation of the standard and efficiencies of the candidates for appointment, promotion or transfer in all civil posts.
On all matters regarding the discipline and punctuality of the employees of All India Services.
Affairs associated with the demands and benefits of employees working under the All India Civil Services and injured while on duty.
Whether the payment or expenditure for any work of an employee of All India Civil Services will be borne by the consolidated fund of India.
Regarding discipline and promptness in government functions of paying compensation to a government employee if he suffers any problem or financial loss due to the negligence on the part of the government, matters related with the punishment measures of those employees who have violated discipline or of all matters related with the interest of the government employees working under the central government.
The Constitution of India has made the Public Service Commission a simple advisory institution which is required to give advises to the subject sent to it by the President of India or by the Governors of the States. But to accept or refuse advises is the absolute discretion of the respective governments.
This is because India has adopted a responsible self-governing government where in the council of ministers cannot delegate its responsibilities to their employees to any other organization. Though at the same time, it should not neglect advises made by a commission consisting of experienced and expert persons.
In brief, The UPSC is the central recruitment agency in India. It is a sovereign constitutional body being directly created by the Constitution of India.
The Election Commission of India, abbreviated as ECI is a constitutional body responsible for administering elections in India according to the rules and regulations mentioned in the Constitution of India.
It was established on January 25, 1950. The major aim of election commission of India is to define and control the process for elections conducted at various levels, Parliament, State Legislatures, and the offices of the President and Vice President of India. It can be said that the Election Commission of India ensures smooth and successful operation of the democracy.
According to Article 324 of Indian Constitution, the Election Commission of India has superintendence, direction, and control of the entire process for conduct of elections to Parliament and Legislature (state legislative assembly & state legislative council) of every State and to the offices of President and Vice-President of India.
Initially, the commission had only a Chief Election Commissioner. Presently, it consists of a Chief Election Commissioner and two Election Commissioners. For the first time, two additional Commissioners were appointed on 16th October 1989 but they had a very short term till 1st January 1990. Afterwards, on 1st October 1993 two additional Election Commissioners were appointed. The concept of multi-member Commission has been in operation since then, with decision-making power by majority vote.
Appointment & Tenure of Commissioners
The President has the power to select Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners.
They have tenure of six years, or up to the age of 65 years, whichever is earlier.
They have the same status and receive pay and perks as available to Judges of the Supreme Court of India.
The Chief Election Commissioner can be removed from officeonly through accusation by Parliament.
Election commissioner or a regional commissioner shall not be removed from office except on the recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner.
Advisory Jurisdiction & Quasi-Judicial Functions
Under the Constitution, the Commission also has advisory jurisdiction in the matter of post-election ineligibility of sitting members of Parliament and State Legislatures.
Additionally, the cases of persons found guilty of dishonest practices at elections which come before the Supreme Court and High Courts are also referred to the Commission for its opinion on the question as to whether such person shall be disqualified and, if so, for what period. The judgment of the Commission in all such matters is binding on the President or, as the case may be, the Governor to whom such opinion is tendered.
The Commission has the power to prohibit a candidate who has failed to lodge an account of his election expenses within the time and in the manner set by law.
The Commission has also the power to remove or reduce the period of such disqualification as also other disqualification under the law.
Administrative Powers
To decide the territorial areas of the electoral constituencies throughout the country on the basis of the Delimitation Commission Act of Parliament.
To organize and periodically amend electoral rolls and to register all qualified voters.
To inform the dates & schedules of election and to scrutinize the nomination papers.
To grant recognition to political parties & allot election symbols to them.
To act as a court for settling disputes related to granting of recognition to political parties and allotment of election symbol to them.
ECI appoints the following-
Chief Electoral Officer– ECI in consultation with State Government/Union Territory Administration nominates or designates an Officer of the said State/UT as the Chief Electoral Officer to supervise the election work in the State/UT
District Election Officer– ECI in consultation with the State Government/ Union Territory Administration designates an officer of the said State/UT as the District Election Officer to supervise the election work of a district
Returning Officer– ECI in consultation with State Government/Union Territory Administration nominates or designates an officer of the Government or a local authority as the Returning Officer for each assembly and parliamentary constituency. Returning Officer is responsible for the conduct of elections in the parliamentary or assembly constituency and may be assisted by one or more Assistant Returning Officers (again appointed by ECI) in the performance of his functions
Electoral Registration Officer– ECI appoints the officer of State or local government as Electoral Registration Officer for the preparation of Electoral rolls for a parliamentary/ assembly constituency
Role of Election Commission of India
Election commission plays a vital role in organizing elections. The most critical challenge before the Election Commission of India is to implement norms and the Model Code of Conduct to ensure free and fair elections in the country. Its existence and independence are necessitated by history, which has revealed that self-governing elections are not free from disruption. Towards this end, it has been empowered to supervise political parties and candidates and take appropriate action in case of violations.
Functions and Powers
Key functions of the Election Commission of India are as under:
The Election Commission of India is considered the guardian of free and reasonable elections.
It issues the Model Code of Conductin every election for political parties and candidates so that the decorum of democracy is maintained.
It regulates political parties and registers them for being eligible to contest elections.
It publishes the allowed limits of campaign expenditure per candidate to all the political parties, and also monitors the same.
The political parties must submit their annual reports to the ECI for getting tax benefit on contributions.
It guarantees that all the political parties regularly submit their audited financial reports.
Other powers handled by the Election Commission of India are as follows:
The Commission can repress the results of opinion polls if it deems such an action fit for the cause of democracy.
The Commission can recommend for disqualification of members after the elections if it thinks they have violated certain guidelines.
In case, a candidate is found guilty of dishonest practices during the elections, the Supreme Court and High Courts consult the Commission.
The Commission can postpone candidates who fail to submit their election expense accounts timely.
The main duties of the Election Commission are:
To supervise, direct, control and conduct all elections to Parliament and State Legislatures as also to the office of the President and Vice- President of India.
To set down general rules for election.
To determine constituencies and to prepare electoral rolls.
To give credit to political parties.
To allot election symbols to different political parties and individual contestants.
To appoint tribunals for the decision of doubts and disputes arising out of or in connection with election to parliament and State Legislatures.
Constitutional Provisions
Art. 324: broadly speaks of the functions of EC and its composition.
Art. 325: there shall be one general electoral roll for every territorial constituency for election to either Houses of Parliament and State legislature. It establishes equality among citizens by affirming that no person shall be ineligible for inclusion in the electoral roll on the grounds of religion, race, caste or sex.
Art. 326: lays down adult suffrage as the basis of elections to the Lok Sabha and to the Legislative Assemblies of States.
Art. 327: confers on Parliament the power to make provisions with respect to elections to federal and State Legislatures
Art. 328: confers on State Legislature the power to make laws with respect to elections to such legislature
Art. 329: bars interference by courts in electoral matters. Notwithstanding anything said in the constitution i.e. validity of any law relating to the delimitation of constituencies or the allotment of seats to such constituencies shall not be called in question in any court
No election to either House of Parliament or either House of the Legislature of a State shall be called in question except by an election petition. Any elector or candidate can file an election petition on grounds of malpractice during the election. In respect of elections to the Parliament and State Legislatures, they can only be filed before the High Court and in respect of elections for the offices of President and Vice President, such petitions can only be filed before the Supreme Court.
Are the commissioners and the CEC equal?
In S.S. Dhanoa vs Union of India (1991), the SC held: “The chief election commissioner does not appear to be primus inter pares, i.e. first among equals, but he is intended to be placed in a distinctly higher position”
In T.N. Seshan vs Union of India (1995), the SC held that the CEC and ECs are equal. CEC is given the power of recommending the removal of ECs with the intention of shielding them and not to use it against them. CEC cannot use its suo moto as he is an equal to them.
The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Conditions of Service) Act, 1991, as amended, provides that in case of difference of opinion on any matter, such matter shall be decided by the opinion of the majority. Thus the CEC cannot over-ride any decision of the commission by himself. As Chairman of the Election Commission he presides over the meetings, conducts the business of the day and ensures smooth transaction of business of the commission.
Independence of the Election Commission
Article 324 of the Constitution has made the following provisions to safeguard and ensure the independent and impartial functioning of the election commission:
The CEC is provided with the security of tenure. He holds office for a term of 6 years from the date he assumes office or till he attains the age of 65 years, whichever is earlier
Art. 324(5) says that the CEC cannot be removed from his office except in like manner and on like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court i.e. he can be removed by the president on the basis of a resolution passed to that effect by both the Houses of Parliament with special majority, either on the ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity
Any other election commissioner or a regional commissioner cannot be removed from office except on the recommendation of the CEC
The service conditions of the CEC cannot be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment
Some flaws:
The Constitution has not prescribed the qualifications (legal, educational, administrative or judicial) of the members of the Election Commission.
The Constitution has not debarred the retiring election commissioners from any further appointment by the government.
The administrative expenses of the EC or the salaries, allowances, and pensions of the CEC and ECs are not charged on the Consolidated Fund of India.
Electoral Reforms
Model Code of Conduct
EC first issued a Model Code of Conduct for political parties at the time of the fifth general elections, held in 1971. Since then, the Code has been revised from time to time and lays down guidelines as to how political parties and candidates should conduct themselves during elections.
A provision was made under the Code that from the time the elections are announced by the Commission, Ministers and other authorities cannot announce any financial grant, make promises of construction of roads, carry out any appointments in government and public undertakings which may have the effect of influencing the voters in favour of the ruling party.
Despite the acceptance of the Code of Conduct by political parties, cases of its violation have been on the rise. It is a general complaint that the party in power at the time of elections misuses the official machinery to further the electoral prospects of its candidates.
The misuse of official machinery takes different forms, such as issue of advertisements at the cost of public exchequer, misuse of official mass media during election period for partisan coverage of political news and publicity regarding their achievements, misuse of government transport including aircraft/helicopter, vehicles.
Disclosure of Antecedents by Candidates
In June 2002, the EC on the direction of the Supreme Court, issued an order under Article 324 that each candidate must submit an affidavit regarding the information of his/her criminal antecedents; assets (both movable and immovable) of self and those of spouses and dependents as well; and qualifications at the time of filing his/her nomination papers for election to the Lok Sabha, the Rajya Sabha and the State Legislative Assemblies.
But political parties believed that the EC and the judiciary were overstepping their powers. At the all-party meeting, held on July 8, 2002, representatives of 21 political parties decided that the EC’s order should not be allowed to be implemented. The Supreme Court again came out as a guardian of the citizen’s right to information.
The Supreme Court made it clear that failing to furnish the relevant affidavit shall be considered as a violation of the Supreme Court’s order and as such the nomination papers shall be liable to be rejected by the Returning Officer.
Furnishing of wrong or incomplete information shall result in the rejection of nomination papers, apart from inviting penal consequences under the Indian Penal Code. The 2004 General Elections were conducted under these rules.
The above order is an effective step to make democracy healthy and unpolluted. Citizens have every right to know about the persons whom they prefer as their representatives.
The EC has directed all Returning Officers to display the copies of nomination papers and affidavits filed by candidates to the general public and representatives of print and electronic media, free of cost.
Registration of Political Parties
The party system is an essential feature of parliamentary democracy. However, there is no direct reference to political parties in the Constitution of India. The statutory law relating to registration of political parties was enacted in 1989 which was quite liberal.
As a result, a large number of non-serious parties mushroomed and got registered with the Commission. Many of them did not contest elections at all after their registration. It led to confusion among electors as to whom to vote. To eliminate the mushrooming of parties, the EC had to take some rigorous steps:
The Commission now registers a party which has at least 100 registered electors as its members and is also charging a nominal processing fee of Rs 10,000 to cover the administrative expenses which it will have to incur on correspondence with the parties after their registration.
In order to ensure that the registered political parties practice democracy in their internal functioning, the Commission requires them to hold their organizational elections regularly in accordance with their constitutions.
The measures taken by the EC to streamline the registration of political parties have shown effective results.
Checking Criminalisation of Politics
The EC has expressed its serious concern over the entry of anti-social and criminal persons into the electoral arena. It has set down norms and made recommendations to the government to curb the menace of criminalization of politics.
The Commission has urged all political parties to reach a consensus that no person with a criminal background will be given the party ticket.
The candidates to an election are also obliged to submit an affidavit in a prescribed form declaring their criminal records, including convictions, charges pending and cases initiated against them. The information so furnished by the candidates is disseminated to the public, and to the print and electronic media.
Limits on Poll Expenses
To get rid of the growing influence and vulgar show of money during elections, the EC has fixed legal limits on the amount of money which a candidate can spend during the election campaign. These limits are revised from time to time. The EC, by appointing expenditure observers keeps an eye on the individual accounts of election expenditure made by a candidate during election campaign. The contestants are also required to give details of expenditure within 30 days of the declaration of the election results.
Apart from this, the EC is also in favor of holding the Lok Sabha and the Assembly elections simultaneously, and to reduce the campaign period from 21 to 14 days. This, they feel, will lead to trim down the election expenditure.
Use of Scientific and Technological Advancements
EVMs:
EC has been trying to bring improvements in election procedures by taking advantage of scientific and technological advancements. The introduction of ‘electronic voting machines’ (EVMs) is one of the steps in that direction by reducing malpractices and also improving the efficiency of the voting process.
On an experimental basis, the EVMs were first tried in the State of Kerala during the 1982 Legislative Assembly Elections. In June 1999 Assembly elections, Goa became the first State to successfully use EVMs in all its Assembly constituencies.
In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, the machines were used all over the country. It is a major initiative taken by the EC to make the electoral process simple, quick and trouble-free. It has saved money, solved several logistical issues and also contributed to the conservation of the environment through saving of paper. Another major advantage of these machines is that the counting of votes becomes more fast and accurate.
IT
EC has not lagged behind in making use of Information Technology for efficient electoral management and administration. It launched a website of its own in 1998.
This is now a good source to have accurate information about elections, election laws, manuals and handbooks published by the Commission.
Computerization of Electoral Rolls
With a view to prevent impersonation of electors at the time of voting and to eliminate bogus and fictitious entries into electoral rolls, EC took a bold step in 1998 to take a nationwide program for the ‘computerisation’ of electoral rolls.
The printed electoral rolls, as well as CDs containing these rolls, are available to the general public for sale national and State parties are provided these free of cost after every revision of electoral rolls.
The entire country’s electoral rolls are available on its website. Karnataka became the first State to prepare electoral rolls with the photographs of voters in the 2008 elections.
EPICs:
In an attempt to improve the accuracy of the electoral rolls and prevent electoral fraud, the Election Commission in August 1993 ordered the issuance of electors’ photo identity cards (EPICs) for all voters.
During the 2004 Assembly elections, it was mandatory for people possessing EPICs to furnish it at the time of voting. The distribution of EPICs, on the part of Election Commission, was a major step to reduce electoral malpractices. Only genuine voters were listed in the rolls with the issuance of voter identity cards.
De-criminalization of politics
For preventing persons with criminal background from becoming legislators, the Commission has made a proposal for disqualifying (from contesting election) a person against whom charges have been framed by a Court for an offence punishable by imprisonment of 5 years or more. There is a provision of disqualification once a person is convicted and sentenced to imprisonment of two years or more. The Commission’s proposal is for disqualification even prior to conviction, provided the court has framed charges. As a precaution against foisting false cases on the eve of election, it has been suggested that only those cases in which charges are framed six months prior to an election should be taken into account for that election.
Political parties reforms
The political parties should be legally required to get their accounts audited annually. The audited accounts should be put in public domain. There should be transparency in the fund raising and expenditure of political parties. Income tax exemption for donations should be given only for those political parties which contest election and win seats in the Parliament/State Legislature.
Misuse of religion for electoral gain
The Commission has proposed that the provision in that Bill should be considered for avoiding misuse of religion by political parties.
Amendment of law to make `paid news’ an electoral offence
The Commission has been proposed amendment in the Representation of People Act (RoPA) , 1951, to provide therein that publishing and abetting the publishing of `paid news’ for furthering the prospect of election of any candidate or for prejudicially affecting the prospect of election of any candidate be made an electoral offence with punishment of a minimum of two years imprisonment.
Negative/neutral voting
In the ballot paper and on the ballot unit, after the particulars relating to the last candidate, there should be provisions for a column `none of the above’ to enable a voter to reject all candidates if he so desires.
Ban on transfer of election officers on the eve of election
In the case of general election, there should be a ban against transferring any election related officer without the concurrence of the Commission for a period of six months prior to the expiry of the term of the House.
Punishment for false affidavit by candidates
RoPA, 1951 provides that furnishing false information in the affidavit filed by the candidate is an offence punishable by imprisonment up to six months or with fine. There is no clear provision for follow-up action in the event of candidates filing false affidavits. EC hasrecommended thatRoPA, 1951 should be amended to provide that any complaint regarding false statement in the affidavit filed by the candidates in connection with the nomination paper shall be filed before the Returning Officer (RO) concerned within a period of 30 days from the date of declaration of the election and that it shall be the responsibility of the RO to take proper follow-up action. Alternatively, complaint can lie directly to the Magistrate Court.
The idea of co-operation in South Asia was discussed in at least three conferences: the Asian Relations Conference held in New Delhi on April 1947, the Baguio Conference in the Philippines on May 1950 and the Colombo Powers Conference held in Sri Lanka in April 1954.
Then in 1983, the international conference held by Indian Minister of External Affairs P.V. Narasimha Rao in New Delhi, the foreign ministers of the inner seven countries adopted the Declaration on South Asian Association Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and formally launched the Integrated Programme of Action (IPA) initially in five agreed areas of cooperation namely-
Agriculture,
Rural Development,
Telecommunications,
Meteorology,
Health and Population Activities.
Officially, the union was established in Dhaka with Kathmandu being union’s secretariat-general. The first SAARC summit was held in Dhaka on 7–8 December 1985 and hosted by the President of Bangladesh Hussain Ershad. The declaration signed by King of Bhutan Jigme Singye, President of Pakistan Zia-ul-Haq, Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi, King of Nepal Birendra Shah, President of Sri Lanka JR Jayewardene, and President of Maldives Maumoon Gayoom.
Member Countries:
SAARC
Observer Countries: States with observer status include Australia, China, the European Union, Iran, Japan, Mauritius, Myanmar, South Korea and the United States.
Objectives
The objectives of the association as defined in the SAARC Charter are:
To promote and strengthen collective self-reliance among the countries of South Asia,
To contribute to develop mutual trust, understanding and appreciation of one another’s problem,
To promote active collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural, technical and∙ scientific fields,
To strengthen cooperation with other developing countries,
To strengthen cooperation among themselves in international forums on matters of common interest,
To cooperate with international and regional organizations with similar aims and purposes.
Significance
The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is an economic and geopolitical organisation of eight countries that are primarily located in South Asia or the Indian subcontinent.
The combined economy of SAARC is the 3rd largest in the world in the terms of GDP(PPP) after the United States and China and 5th largest in the terms of nominal GDP. SAARC nations comprise 3% of the world’s area and contain 21% (around 1.7 billion) of the world’s total population and around 9.12% of Global economy as of 2015.
The SAARC policies aim to promote welfare economics, collective self-reliance among the countries of South Asia, and to accelerate socio-cultural development in the region.
The SAARC has developed external relations by establishing permanent diplomatic relations with the EU, the UN (as an observer), and other multilateral entities. The official meetings of the leaders of each nation are held annually whilst the foreign ministers meet twice annually. The 18th SAARC Summit was held in Kathmandu from 26–27 November 2014.
India’s standing:
India being the world’s 3rd & 7th largest Economy of world in GPP(PPP) & GDP(Nominal) terms respectively as well as world’s fastest growing major Economy, plays an important role in functioning of SAARC. India makes up over 70% of the area and population among these eight nations.
Journey so far
SAARC Visa Exemption Scheme–
The SAARC Visa Exemption Scheme was launched in 1992. The leaders at the Fourth Summit (Islamabad, 29-31 December 1988), while realizing the importance of having people to people contacts, among the peoples of SARC countries, decided that certain categories of dignitaries should be entitled to a Special Travel document, which would exempt them from visas within the region. As directed by the Summit, the Council of Ministers regularly kept under review the list of entitled categories.
Currently, the list included 24 categories of entitled persons, which include Dignitaries, Judges of higher courts, Parliamentarians, Senior Officials, Businessmen, Journalists, and Sportsmen etc.
SAARC Disaster Management Centre–
SAARC Disaster Management Centre (SDMC) was set up in October∙ 2006 at the premises of National Institute of Disaster Management in New Delhi. The Centre has the mandate to serve eight Member Countries of South Asia Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) – Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka – by providing policy advice and facilitating capacity building services including strategic learning, research, training, system development and exchange of information for effective disaster risk reduction and management in South Asia.
The Centre is a sleek body of professionals working on various dimensions of disaster risk reduction and management in South Asia. The Centre is networking through the National Focal Points of the Member Countries with the various Ministries, Departments and Scientific, Technical, Research and Academic institutions within and outside the Government working on various aspects of disaster risk reduction and management.
SAARC Chamber of Commerce & Industry–
Established in 1985, SAARC had hitherto avoided including core economic issues in its programme, but in the wake of the desire for a SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the SAARC Secretariat commissioned a study on Trade, Manufactures and Services in 1988. The study was completed in 1991 and strongly supported to establish a SAARC Chamber of Commerce and Industry to bring about improvement in the business environment disseminate information about potential tradable goods and identify joint ventures in the SAARC region. The objectives of the “SAARC Chamber” includes to encourage Trade, Service, Industry, Small & Medium Enterprise, Agriculture, Intra-Regional through creating strong business linkages amongst the entrepreneurs of the region of South Asia.
SAPTA = SAARC Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA) was signed in 1993 and entered into force in 1995. The Agreement reflected the desire of the Member States to promote and sustain mutual trade and economic cooperation within the SAARC region through the exchange of concessions. SAPTA had no significant impact on intra-regional trade of SAARC -It was firstly, one of the least ambitious trading agreements. The agreement provided for a positive list; the trade of the items on positive list could be regulated. There was a lack of commitments on tariff reduction; it was a completely voluntary arrangement.There was no clarity on rules of origin. There was no provision for a Dispute Settlement Mechanism.
South Asian Free Trade Area–
The Tenth SAARC Summit (Colombo, July 1998) decided to set up a∙ Committee of Experts (COE) to draft a comprehensive treaty framework for creating a free trade area within the region, taking into consideration the asymmetries in development within the region and bearing in mind the need to fix realistic and achievable targets. The SAFTA Agreement was signed on 6 January 2004 during Twelfth SAARC Summit held in Islamabad, Pakistan.
The Agreement entered into force on 1 January 2006, and the Trade Liberalisation Programme commenced from 1 July 2006. Under this agreement, SAARC members will bring their duties down to 20 per cent by 2009. In 2012, the SAARC exports increased substantially to US$354.6 billion from US$206.7 billion in 2009. Imports too increased from US$330 billion to US$602 billion over the same period. But the intra-SAARC trade amounts to just a little over 1% of SAARC’s GDP.
Recent Developments
SAARC Satellite–
SAARC Satellite is a proposed communication-cum-meteorology satellite by Indian Space∙ Research Organisation (ISRO) for the SAARC region. Prime Minister of India Mr. Narendra Modi mooted the idea of a satellite serving the needs of SAARC member nations. In his visit to Nepal in August 2014, Narendra Modi announced developing a satellite to assist India’s neighbors.
Framework agreement on cooperation in power sector– During 18th SAARC summit, foreign ministers of all∙ the eight countries signed the framework agreement on cooperation in power sector which will ensure electricity trading through grid connectivity.
Outcome Analysis and Challenges
Overall, there have been no major breakthroughs at the summit and no significant move on fighting∙ terrorism which was presented as a main concern by most of the SAARC leaders, particularly India, Afghanistan, and Nepal.
Also, there were no important decisions on flow of investments and financial arrangements to push the economies towards “deeper regional integration”, which was projected as the main theme of the recently held 18th summit in Kathmandu.
However, the summit did set the target of forming a regional economic community in the coming 15 years,∙ but for now, this plan sounds more rhetorical than concrete, just like all the talk about removing poverty, fighting terrorism and speeding connectivity.
The Kathmandu Declaration, which the summit produced, lists a lot of other lofty goals like developing a∙ “blue economy” (ocean-based economy) for the region, monitoring cyber-crimes, good governance, reinforcing cultural heritage, universal health coverage, food security, etc. It remains to be seen how effective the actions and implementation on these promises will be.
Lack of progress– The SAARC’s activities has been sluggish and irritatingly slow. In its 30 years of existence, it∙ failed to hold 11 annual summits for political reasons, both at the bilateral and internal levels.
India’s Stand– India has described the 18th summit as a success, at least for its umbrella agreement on power sharing. However any hard-headed assessment of the summit may not give much satisfaction to Indian policy makers, particularly for the failure to clinch the key connectivity proposals. India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made “neighbours first” as the cornerstone of his foreign policy. He invited all the SAARC neighbours to witness his oath taking in New Delhi on May 26. At the Kathmandu summit, PM Modi pitched for “reinvigorating’ and “revitalizing” SAARC. In his address at the summit, he encouraged neighbours to join India’s economic opportunities and growth. On the issues of trade, transit, visas, investments, education, health, communication and space technologies, he promised to help its South Asian neighbors. India also avoided raising any controversial and sensitive issues that may irritate others.
Pakistan’s Response
Its reluctance to come on board on the connectivity agreements appears to be a∙ response to India breaking promised bilateral talks. It also signaled its persisting resistance to India expanding its economic engagement with Afghanistan. While transportation of goods and passenger by road between India and Afghanistan through Pakistan is opposed by the associations of truck and bus operators in Pakistan for the fear of losing business, the real difficulty arises from strategic calculations of blocking India from emerging as a competitor to Pakistan in Afghanistan.
China and SAARC
Pakistan has been pleading for China’s greater role in South Asia. Most of the other∙ smaller South Asian countries are also supportive of elevating China’s status from that of an observer, to either a full member or a dialogue partner.
The Kathmandu Declaration accepted that observer countries of SAARC may be engaged in “demand driven priority areas”. Almost all of India’s neighbours are attracted to China, both for the lure of greater economic resources, as well as strategic potential of keeping India in “balance”. China has also been keen to play a greater role in South Asia. Its South Asia policy is driven by a sense of vulnerability in Tibet and Xinjiang, by the growing potential of a 1.6 billion-strong South Asian market, and by its trade and maritime interests in the Indian Ocean.
Ever since it was admitted in SAARC as an observer in 2006, China has vastly improved its economic and political engagement with the SAARC countries. At the Kathmandu summit, Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin promised a Chinese investment of $30bn for infrastructure development in South Asia and 10,000 scholarships for young South Asians, as a mark of China commitment to the region.
India’s apprehensions:
India is prepared for an intensive economic engagement with China at the bilateral level but is not ready or willing to open its strategic space in the region for Chinese presence and influence.
It is not too happy to admit China as a SAARC member or even elevate its observer status in the regional organisation. India is resisting pressure from its SAARC neighbours on China under the argument that SAARC has still to achieve internal cohesion and consolidation.
India’s unexpressed fears are on two counts. As a full member, China will get a veto in SAARC affairs as SAARC decisions are taken unanimously. China may therefore block projects that may offer strategic and economic advantage to India. After all, China did restrain both the Asian Development Bank and lately even Japan, from supporting projects in India’s north-eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh. China is also opposing Indian oil exploration projects in what it considers disputed waters off Vietnam in the South China Sea.
India is also concerned that even as a dialogue partner, China could breach SAARC solidarity if it conflicts with its perceived economic and strategic interests, as it did with ASEAN in 2012. India seems to be gearing to integrate its neighbours even in the face of the Chinese challenge and the Pakistani resistance.
SAARC issues
SAPTA =
SAARC Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA) was signed in 1993 and entered into force in 1995.
The Agreement reflected the desire of the Member States to promote and sustain mutual trade and economic cooperation within the SAARC region through the exchange of concessions.
SAPTA had no significant impact on intra-regional trade of SAARC -It was firstly, one of the least ambitious trading agreements.
The agreement provided for a positive list; the trade of the items on positive list could be regulated.There was a lack of commitments on tariff reduction; it was a completely voluntary arrangement.There was no clarity on rules of origin.There was no provision for a Dispute Settlement Mechanism.
SAFTA =
The South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) is an agreement reached in 2004 to create SAARC free trade area. The members of SAARC signed a framework agreement on SAFTA to reduce customs duties of all traded goods to zero by the year 2016.
The SAFTA agreement came into force on 1 January 2006 and is operational following the ratification of the agreement by the seven governments.
Major instruments of SAFTA:- Trade Liberalisation Programme, Rules of Origin, Institutional Arrangements, Consultations and Dispute Settlement Procedures, Safeguard Measures, Special Provisions for Least Developing Countries of SAARC. Though an advance over SAPTA, SAFTA has not been able to improve the trade relations of SAARC members significantly -Intra-regional trade is still below 5% of the total trade of the SAARC members.The concept of ‘sensitive list’ exists in SAFTA; trade of the commodities on sensitive list can be regulated by the countries.
The countries continue to maintain big sensitive lists. Though there is a commitment on reducing tariff barriers; non-tariff barriers still remain high. The trade between India-Pakistan, the two largest members of SAARC, is still languishing at less than 3 billion US $; studies suggest that an equal amount of trade happens through the Dubai route and illegal trade. Pakistan is yet to award India, the status of Most Favored Nation (MFN).
SAARC 18TH Summit, 2014 Outcomes =
The 36-point concluding Kathmandu Declaration states that members will continue their efforts to intensify regional cooperation on connectivity, renew their commitment to a South Asian Economic Union, strengthen the Social Window of the SAARC Development Fund, and reiterate their commitment to free South Asia from poverty.
Three important agreements related to connectivity—the Agreement for the Regulation of Passenger and Cargo Vehicular Traffic, the SAARC Regional Agreement on Railways, and the SAARC Framework Agreement for Energy Cooperation (Electricity), were expected to be signed. The first two agreements were stalled because Pakistan held back, saying it still had to complete its “internal processes” regarding these pacts. The third, on energy, was signed.
The Critical Analysis
SAARC Successes
Over the last 25 years, despite extremely difficult political circumstances, SAARC has managed to create situations, institutions and forums where Heads of State have had to shake each other’s’ hands and go into talks together.
SAARC has tackled important topics for the region such as a social charter, development agreements and even the sensitive subject of fighting terrorism.
The food and development banks, Agreement on Transportation, Energy are important steps in the right direction.
Exchanges in the areas of civil society and science have become one of the pillars of South Asian integration efforts.
SAARC Failures
In its 30 years of existence, SAARC failed to hold 11 annual summits for political reasons, both at the bilateral and internal levels. The last summit in Kathmandu was held after a gap of three years.
The intra-regional trade of SAARC amounted to $40.5 billion in 2011, which constitutes just 5% of member countries’ trade. The number pales into insignificance when compared with the volume of trilateral trade between member-countries of NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Agreement, (the US, Canada and Mexico) which hit $1 trillion in 2011.
While different regions of the world have progressed even to monetary union, SAARC has failed to even come up with a free trade agreement.
Even in the Kathmandu Summit 2014, there were three connectivity agreements on road, rail and energy, to be endorsed by the eight SAARC leaders. Only one of these – on energy – has been signed.
Reasons for failure
Weak Cultural Identities The South Asian Region comprises countries sharing common history, heritage and culture. The horrors of divisions and sub-divisions have however created fissures. These fissures are commonly articulated through the ideas of distinct cultures. Pakistan wants to assert itself as Islamic State and calls India a Hindu State. The debates regarding identity are similarly going on in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh. The pursuit of maintaining distinct cultural identity by every country has not allowed the region to come together.
Conflict between India and Pakistan Rivalry between India and Pakistan, the two largest members of SAARC, has hovered hugely on SAARC. The rivalry continues to restrain SAARC from functioning as a sub-regional organization.
Indian Foreign Policy Indian Foreign Policy actions – 1971 war, Indo-Sri Lanka Accord continue to haunt the neighboring countries. India has not forcefully articulated South Asian Vision; even the progressive ideas like the Gujral Doctrine have not been implemented on ground.
Unresolved Border and Maritime Issues The region is still beset with many unresolved border and maritime issues. These unresolved borders have led to problems of Terrorism, Refugee Crisis, Smuggling, Narco-Trade. The unresolved issues continue to mar cooperative relations.
Role of External Powers, especially ChinaIndia’s ambitions in the region crisscross with China’s ambitions to have an influence on the region. China has in past decade strengthened its relations with Bangladesh, Sri Lanka. This has led to a trust deficit in the grouping.
SAARC Charter Article X(2) of the SAARC Charter mandates that decisions, at all levels in SAARC, are only of multilateral issues, and only those issues are for inclusion in the agenda in a SAARC summit meeting on the basis of unanimity. The SAARC platform thus cannot be used to resolve bilateral issues; this has undermined the scope and potential of SAARC.
Asymmetry between Size of India and other SAARC countries
Way Forward
As South Asians we should focus on developing our South Asian identity: believe in ourselves as a region. Rather than follow the herd mindset of criticizing SAARC for what it has not done, we must value its successes and appreciate the context in which they have been achieved. We need to remember that South Asia is a diverse group of countries and SAARC has to take everyone onboard. The Association has made significant gains.
We need to recognize, support and build on them. The best assistance to SAARC would be to remove the gap between professions of collective intent and actual cooperative action.
We need to prioritize regional objectives and streamline them with national priorities. In this context, the Functional Ministries need to be sensitized to the importance of regional cooperation in domain-specific areas.
We need to develop policy approaches that take into account the political and economic complexities of SAARC, in particular the needs and developmental priorities of the less developed countries. The physical and soft connectivity among the SAARC countries needs to be developed and strengthened. Trade integration needs to be expedited through faster implementation of SAFTA.
The success of SAARC institutional arrangements will rest on identification and pursuit of the core projects which could yield tangible results. These projects can be easily identified in the area of trade facilitation, removal of barriers, improvement of regional transport, removal of transit restrictions, opening up of port facilities and promotion of trade in energy in a comprehensive way, comprising regional grids for electricity, hydropower, and gas pipelines. Cross-border transactions must be depoliticized and pursued purely on economic terms.
Recent Development
Recent SAARC SUMMIT (2016)
In the wake of the Uri attack, Indian government has launched diplomatic offensive to isolate Pakistan internationally and in its neighbourhood.
India has decided to pull out of the SAARC summit in Islamabad this November, with Afghanistan, Bhutan∙ and Bangladesh deciding to follow suit.
The decision is unprecedented as this is the first time that India has cancelled participation in the regional group’s summit meeting because of actions that it blames on Pakistan-based elements.
As per Experts, India’s cancellation might handicap economic integration in South Asia.
SAARC minus Pakistan
By pulling out of the SAARC summit in Islamabad, the government is trying to achieve two ends: sending a tough message in the wake of the Uri attack, but also that it is going ahead with its plan for ‘SAARC minus Pakistan’ instead.
Since the previous Nepal summit, Pakistan has blocked all protocols to better link the region, while India has pursued a “SAARC minus Pakistan” plan to push through with agreements it is keen on.
Motor vehicle movement agreement, railway linkages, and the SAARC satellite programme for which all SAARC countries apart from Pakistan have signed up.
With Afghanistan, which cannot be accessed by land, the two governments have discussed a separate “air corridor” for cargo.
A bigger articulation of that vision is expected in mid-October, when India hosts the BIMSTEC outreach summit on the sidelines of the BRICS summit in Goa.
Another grouping of India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka met for the South Asia Subregional Economic Cooperation (SASEC) programme in Delhi to release the first SASEC Operational Plan 2016-2025.
SASEC’s lead financier, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), has already approved about 40 infrastructures and IT projects worth about $7.7 billion.
Pakistan’s line of action
Pakistan continues to receive support from several other countries outside of the SAARC, most notably∙ China, and also has a new relationship with Russia that conducted its first-ever military exercises in Pakistan just days after the Uri attack. Iran too sent four naval warships to the Karachi port to participate in a Passage exercise (PASSEX).
Way forward for India
An economic union is the order of the day. If India has to achieve its global desires to be an economic power, she has to get into the driver’s seat and create an environment which provides opportunities and not just veto them for security concerns.
The 2016 BRICS summit was the eighth annual BRICS summit, an international relations conference attended by the heads of state or heads of government of the five member states Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The summit was held in Panaji, Goa in India, from 15th to 16th October 2016. India will hold the chair of the BRICS from February 2016 to December 2016.
Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) are leading emerging economies and political powers at the regional and international level.
When?
In 2008. They had their first official meeting in 2009
Origin:
The acronym, BRIC, was coined by Jim O’Neill of Goldman Sachs way back in 2001
He predicted that by year 2050, Brazil, Russia, India and China would become bigger than the 6 most industrialized nations in dollar terms and would completely change the power dynamics of the last 300 years
It was pointed out that high growth rates, economic potential and demographic development were going to put BRICS further in a lead position
Why is BRICS suddenly so important?
The idea of development bank (NDB) and Contingency Reserve Arrangement (CRA) has strengthen BRICS as a grouping Both of these concepts were formalised over in 2015 (@BRICS summit at Fortaleza and Brasilia) and this was seen as a strong signal to the challenge of western dominated discourses in some forums (IMF, WB)
What prompted the need for emergence of BRICS?
Most multilateral institutions were designed in the era when the West dominated the world. The US and Europe are over-represented in the IMF and the World Bank. Together with Japan, they control most regional development banks as well! That’s a big bad bully in making, right?
The main reason for co-operation to start among the BRICs nation was the financial crises of 2008
The crises raised scepticism on the dollar dominated monetary system and the need for participation by non-G7 countries became evident.
What reform did BRICS want out of the multilateral institutions?
Since their inception in 1944, the Bretton Woods institutions (IMF and World Bank) had not reformed their governance structure, to give more voting and voice to emerging economies. Both dominated by USA and developed countries. Both were out of sync with the new dynamics of world economy.
The BRICs called for the “the reform of multilateral institutions in order that they reflect the structural changes in the world economy and the increasingly central role that emerging markets now play.
BRICS managed to push for institutional reform which led to International Monetary Fund (IMF) quota reform in 2010 (although, it met with limited success as United States Congress did not ratify)!
Three new terms? Bretton Woods, Quota reforms, 2008 financial crisis. We will get to them later.
So, essentially, BRICS opened up a possibility for countries of the global South to challenge the global North. When the quota reforms were quashed in 2010, BRICS moved towards enlarging their spheres of cooperation. We will talk about the BRICS bank at a later stage.
Advantage India?
Now that NAM (Non-alignment) is almost defunct and very little wealth is left in the Commonwealth, BRICS provide a great alternate for India to build its global profile.
But don’t we have a G 20 group to further India’s interest in the global arena?Yes, that’s another big one (besides UN).
G 20 is a bloc of developing nations established on 20 August 2003. The G-20 accounts for – 60% of the world’s population, 70% of its farmers and 26% of world’s agricultural exports.
India has tried to use BRICS as a forum to engage China as the latter has become the largest market for the fast-industrializing countries of East Asia. India wants to resolve the age-old mis trust and complicated relationship between the two countries since the 1962 war between them.
What are the factors that will bolster co-operation among BRICS members?
Firstly, the common need among developing countries to construct economic order that reflects current situation will drive the BRICS’ efforts. In this matter, the idea of NDB and CRA are defining and will have a huge geo-economic and geopolitical impact
Secondly, the BRICS alternative idea in the landscape of global governance will attract support from other countries. There have been suggestions by political analysts that BRICS may expand its member quota
Thirdly, the expansion of BRICS interaction to other sector will make it more strong partnership
Lastly, Chinese support to BRICS will make sure that group remains a force to reckon with in the future
Chinese support – interesting point. Some would say that a lot depends on how China carries its might behind BRICS for the time to come.
Some concerns regarding the future of BRICS
Competition within themselves – The BRICS countries aspire to be regional powers and hence at some point will compete with each other
Different forms of governance – They have different political systems with Brazil, India and South Africa being democracies while Russia and China having authoritarian characteristics. It would be interesting to see how policy consensus is brought about!
Trade conflicts, maybe? Brazil and Russia are commodity exporting countries and thus benefit from high commodity prices while India and China are commodity importers that benefit from low commodity prices
Territorial Issues – China and India have outstanding territorial issues to resolve and India looks askance to any institution that has Chinese domination. Russia looks suspiciously at China’s interest in its sparsely populated far eastern of Siberia
The big daddy China – China spearheads three other major initiatives in this region – One Belt One Road (OBOR), Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and SCO. You should know that the 7th BRICS summit was held as a joint summit with SCO. BRICS has to find a reckoning space among them to keep china’s interests alive!
Slow-down in the Growth rate of most of BRICS countries
Parting words on BRICS
These are some of the fodder points that you can use in any answer involving BRICS and world arena.
Engaging China has been one of the important components of India’s foreign policy in recent years, considering that co-operation and negotiations with China is imperative to clearing the mistrust between the two countries.
Geostrategically, BRICS are now represented on all continents of the global south. In bilateral and regional agreements, the BRICS emphasize south-south solidarity and horizontal cooperation in contrast to western dominance.
Yet, in global fora such as G20, UN Security Council or World Climate Conferences, BRICS claim to speak on behalf of the developing world (whether they actually do represent these countries is disputable) and gradually challenge western supremacy in international politics.
Success of BRICS
BRICS summits have been able to establish number of institutions. Some of it are mentioned below.
(a) The New Development Bank (NDB)
The New Development Bank (NDB), formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank, is a multilateral development bank operated by the BRICS states. The bank’s primary focus of lending will be infrastructure projects with authorized lending of up to $34 billion annually. South Africa will be the African Headquarters of the Bank named the “New Development Bank Africa Regional Centre”. The bank will have starting capital of $50 billion, with capital increased to $100 billion over time. Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa will initially contribute $10 billion each to bring the total to $50 billion.
(b)BRICS CRA
The BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA) is a framework for providing protection against global liquidity pressures. This includes currency issues where members’ national currencies are being adversely affected by global financial pressures. It is found that emerging economies that experienced rapid economic liberalization went through increased economic volatility, bringing uncertain macroeconomic environment.
The CRA is generally seen as a competitor to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and along with the New Development Bank is viewed as an example of increasing South-South cooperation. It was established in 2015 by the BRICS countries Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.
The legal basis is formed by the Treaty for the Establishment of a BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement, signed at Fortaleza, Brazil on 15 July 2014. With its inaugural meetings of the BRICS CRA Governing Council and Standing Committee, held on September 4, 2015, in Ankara, Turkey it entered into force upon ratification by all BRICS states, announced at the 7th BRICS summit in July 2015.
(C)BRICS payment system
At the 2015 BRICS summit in Russia, ministers from BRICS nations, initiated consultations for a payment system that would be an alternative to the SWIFT system. Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov stated in an interview, “The finance ministers and executives of the BRICS central banks are negotiating … setting up payment systems and moving on to settlements in national currencies. SWIFT or not, in any case we’re talking about … a transnational multilateral payment system that would provide greater independence, would create a definite guarantee for BRICS.”
The Central Bank of Russia (CBR) also started consultations with BRICS nations for a payment system that would be an alternative to the SWIFT system. The main benefits highlighted were backup and redundancy in case there were disruptions to the SWIFT system. The Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of the Russia, Olga Skorobogatova stated in an interview, “The only topic that may be of interest to all of us within BRICS is to consider and talk over the possibility of setting up a system that would apply to the BRICS countries, used as a backup
EIGHTH BRICS SUMMIT
The Eighth BRICS Summit, held at Goa under the theme “Building Responsive, Inclusive and Collective Solutions.”
The summit concluded with adaptation of Goa∙ Declaration. The ninth BRICS Summit will be hosted by China in 2017.
Key Highlights of Goa declaration
On world Security– Strongly condemned terrorism in all its forms, committed to increase effectiveness of the UN counter terrorism framework. Also, called for need for adaptation of Comprehensive Convention on Terrorism (CCIT) in the UN General Assembly
On SDGs– Welcomed adoption of 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals.
On UN Reforms– Reiterated urgent need to reforms of the United Nations, including International UN Security Council to increase representation of developing countries.
On New Development Bank- BRICS members were satisfied with the approval of the first batch of loans by the New Development Bank (NDB), particularly in renewable energy projects in BRICS countries.
BRICS Contingent Reserve Arrangement
CRA, established in 2015 by BRICS member nations is now operational and the central banks of the∙ grouping’s members are “fully ready to carry out” the transactions.
It is a framework for the provision of support through liquidity and precautionary instruments in response to actual or potential short-term balance of payments pressures.
BRICS RATING AGENCY
Key Facts
BRICS have agreed to set up an independent rating agency based on market-oriented principles in order to∙ further strengthen the global governance architecture.
BRICS institution-building is critical for transforming the global financial architecture to one based on the∙ principles of fairness and equity.
The BRICS countries have already set up New Development Bank (NDB), which became operational last year, to meet funding requirements of the members.
There are concerns that the methodologies of the big three global agencies- S∙&P Global Ratings, Fitch Ratings and Moody’s Investors Service- is biased against developing countries, reflected by their poor rating of these economies.
Despite having deep capital buffers, the ratings of multilateral banks like the BRICS-promoted NDB are affected due to the parent countries’ sovereign ratings.
BCIM
The BCIM Forum for Regional Economic Cooperation, earlier known as the ‘Kunming Initiative’, was founded in 1999 with the objective of promoting trade and economic development in the sub-region stretching from south west China to eastern India (‘Kunming to Kolkata’) via Myanmar, India’s north east region (NER), and Bangladesh.
It was considered as a provincial initiative and did not have much resonance among at least the policy makers and the MEA officials. Some of the earlier meetings that were attended, for instance, by India’s Secretary (East), Mr. Rajiv Sikri in 2006 questioned its utility when several other similar initiatives existed in the region.
On the other hand, later in 2011, a Kolkata-Kunming car Rally that was expected to encourage the concept of BCIM found official mention in the Joint Statement between China and India.
However, it was only in 2013 year that the BCIM grouping gained some traction when it was first mentioned in the Joint India-China communiqué during PM Li’s visit to India in May 2013 and it was again discussed between the two during PM Manmohan Singh’s visit to Beijing in October 2013. Thus, it became a Track I initiative with the prospects of the objectives of BCIM being realized.
As a follow up of Heads of State meetings, a Joint Study Group (JSG) of BCIM to chart out the modalities for achieving the goals of BCIM economic corridor was set up and it held its first meeting at Kunming in December, 2013. JSG has outlined a number of steps to be taken to convert the concept into a reality. Cooperative areas between the four members would include:-
(a) Physical Connectivity
(b) Trade in goods, services and investment including finance
(c) Environmentally sustainable development
(d) People to people contacts
China and India are adding fresh momentum to the establishment of the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) economic corridor, which is expected to develop gradually before more ambitious goals are achieved.
From the West Bengal capital, the corridor will head towards Benapole, a border crossing town in Bangladesh. After passing through Dhaka and Sylhet, it will re-enter the Indian territory near Silchar in Assam. The rest of the passage will be connected with Imphal and then pass through the India-built Tamu-Kalewa friendship road in Myanmar. Mandalay will be the next focal point of the corridor before the road enters Yunnan, after crossing Lashio and Muse in Myanmar. The Chinese stretch extends from Ruili before reaching Kunming through Longling and Dali.
The central corridor can be connected with two supplementary passages to the north and the south. Starting from Kunming, the northern passage heads towards Myitkyina, capital of Kachin state in Myanmar, before extending to Ledo in Assam. After crossing Dibrugarh and Guwahati, this road enters northern Bangladesh and joins the central corridor inside the country, before reaching Kolkata.
Problem and Prospects
Indian Approach
Even though India has agreed in principle for a BCIM Economic Corridor, it also has some apprehensions.
Firstly, there are still several insurgent and rebel groups in North East India which are involved in a host of anti national activities like gun running, drug trafficking; they are also being used by foreign intelligence agencies (e.g. Anthony Shimray incident where Chinese intelligence agencies were alleged to have been involved in fuelling insurgency by sending a huge consignment of Chinese arms to NSCN(IM) in the NE; there have also been reports of some Chinese intelligence agents being active there; ISI has also been involved in sending arms).
Secondly, Sino-Indian border problems are well known and therefore Indian sensitivities concerning the claims and possible insecurities on that account. Tirap district of Arunachal Pradesh is inhabited by Nagas and there is an insurgent activity there. Even though some funds for constructing Ledo/Stilwell Road have been earmarked, India is not in favour of reviving the old Burma/Stillwell Road linking India’s NE to Yunnan through Myanmar because of security reasons. This is despite the fact that enormous commercial benefits (especially with reduction of transportation costs) might accrue. There are apprehensions that this might give China advantage in case of a military conflict.
Thirdly, while there is a dire need to develop the North eastern states of India and China can provide the wherewithal for infrastructure development including the much needed funds, the Indian government remains reticent in involving China in ways that might be detrimental to Indian interests.
Further, during the visit of Japanese PM Shinzo Abe in January 2014, Japan has been invited to take part in the infrastructure development of NE States.
Fourthly, there is a growing trade imbalance between India and China and any free flow of trade and commerce through the envisioned economic corridor would only increase the trade imbalance against India as China has not been able to practically address India’s grievances on this issue in any meaningful way despite remonstrations by India to this effect during summits and other bilateral exchanges.
Additionally, India has several bilateral and multilateral initiatives with the regional countries to address precisely the same issues. For instance, India has Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), Mekong Ganga Cooperation initiative and Trilateral between India, Myanmar and Thailand for improving connectivity; all such initiatives involve either cooperation with Bangladesh or Myanmar or both that have similar objectives to that of BICM.
There is an overlap in goals and objectives of a number of regional and sub regional groupings that remain an important sub set of India’s ‘Look East Policy’ set in motion in the mid 1990s. That is why India had not been very keen to add another sub-regional grouping to its kitty where, possibly, the central role of India in some of these platforms could be undermined. There have also been talks of merging or combining of BCIM and BIMSTEC but regional geo-political environment does not appear to be conducive for acceptance of such proposals.
Both the Ganga and the Mekong are civilizational rivers, and the MGC initiative aims to facilitate closer contacts among the people inhabiting these two major river basins. Key areas of cooperation under MGC were tourism, culture, education, and transport & communications.
Despite ASEAN’s rhetoric and posturing, it remains a weak organisation incapable of handling serious challenges, economic or strategic. There has been a proliferation of trade groups carrying many (confusing!) acronyms.
With India’s elevated status in ASEAN by 2012
the time is ripe to enter the Mekong Region. Apart from reinforcing India’s security, it will remove economic isolation of the North East Region (NER).
There is a lack of connectivity between India, Myanmar and beyond and hence a need to build connecting corridors. Unlike the European Union, with nascent Asian economies we have to follow the “hub and spoke” process which impedes in the trade process.
Latest developments:
India hosted the 6th MGC Ministerial Meeting on September 4, 2012. New Areas of Cooperation added in the 6th MGC –
Conservation of Rice GermPlasm – A new area of mutually beneficial cooperation in rice production techniques and downstream processing projects
Enhancing cooperation among SME – India circulated a concept paper
Health – Aim is to strengthen the region’s capacity to respond to the menace of drug resistant malaria and other such emerging public health threats
Common Archival Resource Centre (CARC) at Nalanda University
#2. Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC)
When? 1997 | HQ: Dhaka, Bangladesh
Origins: BIMSTEC started off as the Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand Economic Cooperation Group in 1997. Myanmar joined in 1997, while Nepal and Bhutan joined in 2004 when the first summit was held in Bangkok.
BIMSTEC is said to have been encouraged by India’s Look East Policy (LEP) and Thailand’s Look West Policy.
Earlier also, Bay of Bengal had emerged as a vehicle for regional cooperation as BBIN grouping – Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and India after Pakistan’s reluctance to sign on to the South Asian connectivity agreements at the SAARC summit, 2014.
Now, with the collapse of the SAARC summit in Islamabad, 2016 the Bay of Bengal has turned into a zone of regional cooperation.
Further, with rich history of maritime commerce across the Bay of Bengal and being high-end tourist∙ destination there exist enormous possibilities for regional economic cooperation among the members of the BIMSTEC and SAARC (minus Pakistan).
BIMSTEC was seen as a vital bridge between SAARC and ASEAN. Myanmar and Thailand are already in ASEAN while Japan is Thailand’s second-biggest export destination.
But in the present context, when the members of BIMSTEC have acquired memberships in various other regional/sub-regional organisations which also promote cooperation at different levels, it might not end up being that fruitful an organisation (that it was intended up to be).
BIMSTEC identified 14 priority areas where a member country takes lead. India is lead country for –
Transport & Communication
Tourism
Environment & Disaster Management
Counter Terrorism & Transnational Crime
Advantage India?
Pakistan and China do not form member countries and this grouping provides India an opportunity to increase its sphere of influence.
India should be more proactive towards BIMSTEC to make its LEP 3.0 a success. BIMSTEC could help India to further increase its cooperation with countries located around the Bay of Bengal along with two of its adjuncts, namely Malacca Straits and Andaman Sea.
Transport & Communication being one of the priority focus areas – Better integration with North East region & East Asian economies is a theme to look forward to.
What has India done for BIMSTEC?
India and Thailand are the two main (rich) partners of BIMSTEC. With Thailand mostly embroiled in controversies, India is looked upon to take a lead and act as a catalyst. Remember the lead areas with India? Transport, Tourism, Environment & Terrorism.
The last meeting (3rd Summit) @Nay Pyi Taw (New Capital of Myanmar) did not see any major outcomes, but a few of worth of mentioning here are –
2015 was declared as the Year of BIMSTEC Tourism
The framework agreement on the BIMSTEC FTA was signed in 2004, but it is not yet fully operational.
Ratify conventions related to other areas of responsibilities
TIP: Whenever you think about the advantage of our associations with our north eastern neighbouring countries, think of two things –
Transportation woes
Fighting crime syndicates (terrorism, smuggling, narcotics and what not)
Consequently, our associations with them will look to establish new roads, routes and pacts to counter them. Of course, there is a lot in common with culture and agricultural produce etc etc. but you get the bigger picture right?
One such project is Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project in Myanmar. It was supposed to be completed by 2015, but sigh.
Source: Indian Express
Time to Energize BIMSTEC
How long can SAARC (30+ year old organisation) wait for India and Pakistan to sort out their bilateral issues and push forward for the broader agenda of regional economic cooperation?
Given the current state of India-Pakistan relations, it is unlikely that Pakistan will agree to even a minimal set of economic cooperation arrangements within the SAARC framework, as was evident in Kathmandu when it refused to sign the multi-modal road and rail transport agreement. (Source – The Diplomat).
The most important driver is going to be the BIMSTEC Free Trade Area. While a Framework Agreement has been signed, it has yet to come into force.
Point being that India needs to reallocate its priority with the new surge @ Act East and get the best out of these regional groupings where it can play a natural leader.
BIMSTECH 2016 summit
The Summit was held in Goa in October 2016. The next meeting will be held in Nepal for the Fourth BIMSTEC Summit in 2017.
Focus Areas of Summit were Regional∙ connectivity, terrorism, development of the region, Cooperation in various sectors, promoting people-to-people contacts and tourism.
In this regard, BIMSTEC countries have issued∙ Leaders Retreat Outcome Document.
Key Highlights of document
For countering terror
Strongly condemned the recent terror attacks in the region and called for strong measures for the states⎫ that encourage, support and provide sanctuary to terrorists.
Called for early ratification of the BIMSTEC Convention on Cooperation in combating International⎫ terrorism, criminal matters, transnational organized crime and drug trafficking.
Cooperation for Environment– Agreement on greater efforts towards the conservation of the mountain ecosystems,∙ bio-diversity and agreed for implementation of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change.
Enhancing people to people contact– Proposed for establishment of BIMSTEC Buddhist Circuit and BIMSTEC Heritage Sites, decided to expedite the establishment of the BIMSTEC Cultural Industries Commission and BIMSTEC Cultural Industries Observatory in Bhutan.
Fisheries and Food Security– Cooperation in sustainable development of fisheries in Bay of Bengal region.
Eliminating Poverty- Reaffirmation to the commitment to effective implementation of the BIMSTEC Poverty Plan of Action.
For Trade– Commitment to the early conclusion of BIMSTEC Free Trade Area negotiations was renewed∙ along with directing the Trade Negotiating Committee (TNC) and Working Groups to expedite the finalization of its constituent agreements.
Exploring other areas of development-Agreement to explore ways to deepen cooperation in areas such as aquacultures, hydrography, seabed mineral exploration, coastal shipping, eco-tourism and renewable ocean energy with the objective of promoting holistic and sustainable development of the region.
RCEP
Introduction
Mega regional trade deals are in vogue in an otherwise fragile global economy. In an environment of falling aggregate demand, these trade deals are seen as a means to insulate economies from market uncertainties. Three important mega regional’s are currently under negotiation: the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership of Asia and the Pacific (RCEP), the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP).
It is expected that these agreements, once concluded and implemented, will set the stage for a new generation of global trade and investment rules.In this article we will explain What is RCEP ,what will be its significance for India and what are the point of contention among countries in RCEP.
What is RCEP?
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between the ten member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (Brunei, Burma (Myanmar), Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam) and the six states with which include India,China,Australia,Japan,South Korea and Newzealand.
In total, the grouping of 16 nations includes more than 3 billion people, has a combined GDP of about $17 trillion, and accounts for about 40 percent of world trade.
If negotiated successfully, RCEP would create the world’s largest trading bloc and have major implications for Asian countries and the world economy.
Key features of the RCEP
The RCEP seeks to achieve a modern and comprehensive trade agreement among members. The core of the negotiating agenda would cover trade in goods and services, investment, economic and technical cooperation and dispute settlement.
The partnership would be a powerful vehicle to support the spread of global production networks and reduce the inefficiencies of multiple Asian trade agreements that exist presently.
At the launch of negotiations in 2012, the leaders of each relevant country endorsed the “Guiding Principles and Objectives for Negotiating the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership.” The key points of this document are as follows.
Scope of negotiations
RCEP will cover trade in goods, trade in services, investment, economic and technical co-operation, intellectual property, competition, dispute settlement and other issues. The agreement will encompass trade in goods and services, economic and technical issues, intellectual property and investments, and dispute settlement mechanisms.
As expected, ASEAN will be in the “driver’s seat” of this multilateral trade arrangement (though the idea was initially given by Japan), and has been repeatedly endorsed by India. The joint statement issued at the end of the first round of negotiations also reiterated “ASEAN Centrality” in the emerging regional economic architecture.
Commitment levels
The RCEP will have broader and deeper engagement with significant improvements over the existing ASEAN+1 FTAs, while recognizing the individual and diverse circumstances of the participating countries.
Negotiations for trade in goods
Negotiations should aim to achieve the high level of tariff liberalization, through building upon the existing liberalization levels between participating countries.
Negotiations for trade in services
The RCEP will be comprehensive, of high-quality and consistent with WTO rules and all service sectors will be subject to negotiations.
Negotiations for investment
Negotiations will cover the four pillars of promotion, protection, facilitation and liberalization.
Participating countries
Participants will be ASEAN members and FTA Partners. After the completion of the negotiations, countries other than the 16 states may join.
From India’s point of view, the RCEP presents a decisive platform which could influence its strategic and economic status in the Asia-Pacific region and bring to fruition its act east policy.
It would be the world’s largest trading bloc covering a broad spectrum of issues such as trade in goods, services, investment, competition, intellectual property rights, and other areas of economic and technical cooperation. Together, the RCEP group of countries accounts for a third of the world’s gross domestic product, and 27.4 per cent and 23.0 per cent of the world’s goods and services trade, respectively.
The RCEP agreement would complement India’s existing free trade agreements with the Association of South East Asian Nations and some of its member countries, as it would deals with Japan and South Korea.
India is not a party to two important regional economic blocs: The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the Trans-Pacific Partnership New Delhi fears the TPP, although years away from reality, could mean losing some textile and drugs exports to countries like Vietnam, which has embraced both the TPP and the RCEP.
TPP is set to change the landscape of global trade. For India, it is most likely to affect sectors like leather goods, plastics, chemicals, textiles and clothing. The RCEP would enable India to strengthen its trade ties with Australia, China, Japan and South Korea, and should reduce the potential negative impacts of TPP and TTIP on the Indian economy.
RCEP will facilitate India’s integration into sophisticated “regional production networks” that make Asia the world’s factory. The RCEP is expected to harmonize trade-related rules, investment and competition regimes of India with those of other countries of the group.
Through domestic policy reforms on these areas, this harmonization of rules and regulations would help Indian companies plug into regional and global value chains and would unlock the true potential of the Indian economy. There would be a boost to inward and outward foreign direct investment, particularly export-oriented FDI.
India enjoys a comparative advantage in areas such as information and communication technology, IT-enabled services, professional services, healthcare, and education services. In addition to facilitating foreign direct investment, the RCEP will create opportunities for Indian companies to access new markets.
This is because the structure of manufacturing in many of these countries is becoming more and more sophisticated, resulting in a “servicification” of manufacturing. India is well placed to contribute to other countries in RCEP through its expertise in services, not only consolidating the position of the region as the world’s factory but also developing it as the world’s hub for services.
Challenges in Final negotiation of RCEP
Finalizing the RCEP will not be a cakewalk for India and other countries involved in the negotiations as there are a range of issues that could act as spoilers.
Huge economic disparities among the negotiating countries are likely to pose a challenge
An inevitable source of trust deficit between China and the rest which has the potential to constrain regional economic cooperation is China’s aggressive postures on territorial disputes with Japan and India and with ASEAN member countries on the South China Sea disputes. This can pose as a hurdle in final negotiation of RCEP
The existing five ASEAN+1 and twenty three ratified bilateral FTAs, varying greatly in their terms, pose a significant hurdle to RCEP negotiations.
The lack of commonality across FTAs and varying internal policies of countries would prove to be a difficult task to harmonize and consolidate under RCEP.
Challenges and concerns for India from Joining RCEP
For New Delhi, following challenges lie ahead.
First, tariff barriers, which have been a matter of discontent in bilateral FTAs, particularly in the case of the ASEAN-India FTA, will be central to the negotiations in the upcoming rounds of RCEP negotiations.
Non-trade issues such as environment and labor are likely to be prickly as well and need greater attention. While many Countries in RCEP want a stricter norms and standards on environment and labor issues while India’s interest lie in liberal environment and labor norms as this makes Indian industry competitive. India therefore should bat for liberal environment and labor norms while negotiating in RCEP.
India must take steps to strengthen its Medium, Small and Micro Enterprises (MSME) sector, equipping it not only to survive the free flow of trade, but also to become a set of more competitive players. Higher investments in R&D and achieving international standards in terms of delivery are needed.
An internal commerce ministry estimate that signing the 16-country Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) trade agreement will result in a revenue loss of as much as 1.6% of gross domestic product
Finally a major difficulty for India will be negotiating terms with China. India has to be firm and calculative in terms of taking tough policy decisions, while working tirelessly on capacity building of its domestic industries.
East Asia Summit (EAS)
East Asia Summit is a unique Leaders-led forum of 18 countries of the Asia-Pacific region formed to further the objectives of regional peace, security and prosperity.
Why is EAS important?
10 East Asia Summits have been held so far. India has been a part of this process since its inception in 2005. Think of it this way –
EAS has held its annual meetings without fail since its inception
As members – it has 10 ASEAN nations + 8 strategic partners including US, China, India, Japan
This is what our PM said in the 9th EAS – “No other forum brings together such a large collective weight of global population, youth, economy and military strength. Nor is any other forum is so critical for peace, stability and prosperity in Asia-Pacific and the world.”
6 priority areas of regional cooperation within the framework of the EAS
Environment and Energy,
Education,
Finance,
Global Health Issues and Pandemic Diseases,
Natural Disaster Management, and
ASEAN Connectivity
India’s involvement in regional collaboration in these 6 priority areas
#1. Education
At the 4th East Asia Summit (EAS), held in Thailand on 24-25 October 2009, the EAS Leaders endorsed the proposal for the revival of Nalanda University.
source: outlookindia.com
Nalanda was a renowned Buddhist centre of learning, in Ancient India. It taught students in medicine, mathematics, astronomy and politics
The University envisages seven schools located at its campus in Rajgir
Ministry of External Affairs has offered 6 scholarships to students from Cambodia, Myanmar, Lao PDR and Vietnam to pursue higher studies at Nalanda University
In news – Amartya Sen quits Nalanda University
#2. Global Health Issues and Pandemic Diseases
Australia and India are co-chairs of the Task Force for Access to Quality Medicines and other Technologies Task Force (AQMTF)
India has also hosted a Round table on Trauma Care and Nursing on 15-16 October 2015, in New Delhi
#3. Natural Disaster Management
2012: India hosted an ‘EAS-India Workshop 2012: Building Regional Framework for Earthquake Risk Management’ in New Delhi
2014: India also hosted the first Meeting of the 24×7 Points of Contact among the National Disaster Response Agencies of East Asia Summit (EAS) countries
Launch of Virtual Knowledge Portal (VKP). What is this?
The Virtual Knowledge Portal (VKP), a web based tool to share knowledge and best practices related to natural disaster risk assessment, mitigation and response among EAS countries. It is hosted by Natural Institute of Disaster Management, New Delhi.
#4. Launch of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)
At the 7th EAS in November 2012, the Leaders of 16 EAS participating countries launched the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)
What is RCEP?
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) is a proposed free trade agreement (FTA) between the 10 member states of the ASEAN and the six states with which ASEAN has existing FTAs (Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand).
Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is a regional political organisation comprising the energy rich Gulf monarchies – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.
The founding charter focused more on issues of social and cultural cohesion, environmental and scientific coordination and economic cooperation
Recently, Morocco and Jordan have applied for the GCC membership which is currently being studied by the GCC Expert Committee
India and GCC: Contours of cooperation
The Gulf constitutes the “immediate” neighborhood of India separated only by the Arabian Sea
The Gulf, as the principal source of India’s energy requirements, is central to our energy security interests: it meets 75% of our oil needs at present; as our demand increases in coming years, India’s dependence will go up to 90% by 2035.
GCC is India’s largest trading partner as an economic grouping, with two-way trade being more than our ties with the European Union, ASEAN and North America
Four GCC countries figure in India’s top 10 trade partners.
We also have an eight-million strong community in the GCC that remits annually $35 billion to the national exchequer
The India-GCC Free Trade Agreement which is in under negotiation could usher in a new era of trade
Although India and the GCC countries share a strong economic relationship, there is much progress to be achieved on the political front. Let’s have a close look at some of the important dimensions –
#1. Defence Diplomacy
India’s defence diplomacy with countries of the GCC is well reputed.
India has signed a military protocol with Oman which has facilitated joint military exercises
India has also signed a defence cooperation agreement with the UAE
Our new naval diplomacy document increases our focus on west asian countries.
#2. Counter Terrorism
The meteoric rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) in neighbouring countries like Iraq and Syria pose a huge threat to the peace and stability of the GCC countries.
#3. Maritime Security
Primary maritime security threats include piracy at sea, smuggling of narcotics and arms and the imminent threat of maritime terrorism.
These threats pose major challenges to the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) that India depends heavily on to carry out trade by sea
India’s international trade by sea amounts to about 90% of the foreign trade, and it takes place through 13 major ports and several minor ports
In recent times the term “Indo Pacific era” has gained currency.
#4. Culture & Diaspora
We have an eight-million strong community in the GCC that remits annually $35 billion to the national exchequer
Minor concerns – If you remember, in 2013 Saudi Arabia issues a Nitaqat Law – The ‘Nitaqat’ law makes it mandatory for local companies to hire one Saudi national for every 10 migrant workers
There had been widespread perception that the new policy will lead to denial of job opportunities for a large number of Indians working there.
India had back then proactively conveyed concerns to the Saudi government
The Trans-Pacific Partnership pact reached recently between the United States and 11 Pacific Rim nations including Canada and Japan, has raised both hopes and concerns.
What is Trans-Pacific Partnership pact?
It is a trade pact that is intended to cut trade barriers and establish common standards for 12 countries.
What it does?
It would set new terms for trade and business investment among the United States and 11 other Pacific Rim nations.
It would phase out thousands of import tariffs as well as other barriers to international trade.
It also would establish uniform rules on corporations’ intellectual property, open the Internet even in communist Vietnam and crack down on wildlife trafficking and environmental abuses.
Its significance:
This is the largest trade pact in 20 years.
The agreement covers 40% of the world’s economy.
It is seen as a means to address a number of festering issues that have become stumbling blocks as global trade has soared, including e-commerce, financial services and cross-border Internet communications.
What its supporters say?
The pact would boost growth in the U.S. as well as the Asian economies.
It would be a boon for all the nations involved.
It would unlock opportunities and address vital 21st-century issues within the global economy.
Critics in the US say it would only help American companies send jobs abroad. Some people call it a “trade disaster”.
Critics in other countries say it would benefit large corporations, particularly American big pharma, with the common people at the receiving end.
Some people say it would reduce access to generic medicines in developing countries.
Internet freedom campaigners see it as a big threat.
Why is the US interested in this deal?
It is seen as a way to bind Pacific trading partners closer to the United States while raising a challenge to Asia’s rising power, China.
Traditionally, the U.S. has tried to isolate its enemies and integrate allies with its own worldview. With china it couldn’t do either.
China is now the world’s second largest economy, which has invested trillions of dollars in U.S. treasury bonds. Hence, isolating such an economy is next to impossible.
Now, with China emerging as an economic powerhouse with new institutions such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in place, the U.S. is trying to form a grand alliance that would shore up its influence in Asia.Economists such as Joseph Stiglitz have pointed out that the TPP would hardly meet either its declared commercial goals or its undeclared strategic ambitions, and could turn counterproductive.
TPP and its implications for India
Positives
India could experience huge export gains of more than US$500 billion per year—a 60 per cent increase–from joining an expanded TPP or participating in a comprehensive Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific (FTAAP).
It would increase both India’s exports and imports. It is also likely to boost India’s services exports through less trade barriers.
Negatives
possibility of trade diversion and raised concerns about erosion of India’s share in exports to the US and Europe.
loss of competitiveness of Indian exports in European markets
lower India’s export share to the US and the EU,
Some of the export sectors such as textiles and clothing industry are likely to face stiff competition from Vietnam, and it may lead to trade diversion.
concern of investment diversion, particularly as countries like Vietnam would offer more robust investor protection
Concerns
India has to give due consideration to the costs if it is desirous of joining the TPP, as it will be required to comply with provisions relating to tariffs, SoEs, agriculture and IPR protection.
Some of the major concerns are as follows:
Openness of market: India needs to work significantly in terms of openness of market as its tariff rates are significantly higher than those in the TPP countries
Import competition: Domestic industries will face severe import competition due to tariff elimination on some of the products.
SoEs: Membership of the TPP would prevent the government from using SoEs and government procurement as vehicles for achieving social and economic objectives, including employment generation.
IPRs: The prices of pharmaceutical products can be expected to rise due to implementation of IPR agreements which will give more protection to patented medicine and may lead substantially to elimination of generic drugs from the market
Government procurement: Apart from stressing non-discriminatory, fair and transparent procurement procedures, the TPP specifies timely publication of complete information on the procuring entity, the specific procurement, the time frame for submission of bids, and a description of conditions for participation of suppliers.
As the agreement curtails the flexibility available to signatory countries to impose export restrictions on food, it will jeopardize India’s endeavour to ensure food security
Labour standards: TPP bind the members to adopt and maintain laws and practices governing acceptable conditions of work relating to minimum wages, hours of work, and occupational health and safety. These labour standards may increase the labour cost.
Environment standard in TPP agreement: The TPP agreement goes beyond the provisions in other FTAs to include wildlife trafficking, illegal logging and illegal fishing practices.
The TPP members acknowledge that inadequate fisheries management, fisheries subsidies that contribute to overfishing and overcapacity, and illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing can have significant negative impacts on trade, development and the environment and ‘thus recognize the need for individual and collective action to address the problems of overfishing and unsustainable utilization of fisheries resources’.
This is in contradiction to India’s current policy of subsidizing the fishery industry. It may severely affect special governmental assistance programmes for around 15 million poor fishermen in India. Hence these TPP rules are likely to affect the multilateral process and impact India.
The World Bank Group (WBG) is a family of five international organizations that make leveraged loans to developing countries. It is the largest and most famous development bank in the world and is an observer at the United Nations Development Group. Its five organizations are the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), the International Development Association (IDA), the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) and the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID).
The World Bank
The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), better known as the World Bank, was established at the same time as the International Monetary Fund to tackle the problem of international investment.
Since the IMF was designed to provide temporary assistance in correcting the balance of payments difficulties, an institution was also needed to assist long-term investment purposes. Thus, IBRD was established for promoting long-term investment loans on reasonable terms.
The World Bank (IBRD) is an inter-governmental institution, corporate in form, whose capital stock is entirely owned by its member-governments. Initially, only nations that were members of the IMF could be members of the World Bank; this restriction on membership was subsequently relaxed.
Functions:
The principal functions of the IBRD are set forth in Article I of the agreement as follows:
To assist in the reconstruction and development of the territories of its members by facilitating the investment of capital for productive purposes.
To promote private foreign investment by means of guarantee of participation in loans and other investments made by private investors and when private capital is not available on reasonable terms, to make loans for productive purposes out of its own resources or from funds borrowed by it.
To promote the long-term balanced growth of international trade and the maintenance of equilibrium in balance of payments by encouraging international investment for the development of the productive resources of members.
To arrange loans made or guaranteed by it in relation to international loans through other channels so that more useful and urgent projects, large and small alike, will be dealt with first. It appears that the World Bank was created to promote and not to replace private foreign investment. The Bank considers its role to be a marginal one, to supplement and assist foreign investment in the member countries.
A little consideration will show that the objectives of the IMF and IBRD are complementary. Both aim at increasing the level of national income and standard of living of the member nations. Both serve as lending institutions, the IMF for short-term and the IBRD for long-term capital. Both aim at promoting the balanced growth of international trade.
Organisation:
Like the Fund, the Bank’s structure is organised on a three-tier basis; a Board of Governors, Executive Directors and a President. The Board of Governors is the supreme governing authority. It consists of one governor (usually the Finance Minister) and one alternate governor (usually the governor of a central bank), appointed for five years by each member.
The Board is required to meet once every year. It reserves to itself the power to decide important matters such as new admissions, changes in the bank’s stock of capital, ways and means of distributing the net income, its ultimate liquidation, etc. For all technical purposes, however, the Board delegates its powers to the Executive Directors in the day-to-day administration.
At present, the Executive Directors are 19 in number, of which five are nominated by the five largest shareholders — the USA, the UK, Germany, France and India. The rest are elected by the other members.
The Executive Directors elect the President who becomes their Ex-officio Chairman holding office during their presence. He is the chief of the operating staff of the Bank and is subject to the direction of the Executive Directors on questions of policy and is responsible for the conduct of the ordinary business of the Bank and its organisation.
Criticism:
The modus operandi of the Bank has been criticised on various counts from different quarters:
It is alleged that the Bank charges a very high rate of interest on loans. For example, some of the loans which India has received in recent years bear an interest of 53.4 per cent including the commission at 1 per cent which is credited to the Bank’s special reserves.
The Bank’s insistence, prior to the actual grant of loan, on the country having the capacity to transfer or repay, is open to criticism. The Bank should not apply orthodox standards to judge the transfer capacity of any borrowing country. Transfer capacity follows rather than precedes the loan.
The financial help given by the Bank does not amount to more than a drop in the big ocean of financial requirement so essential for various development projects.
It is dominated by USA which is the dominant shareholder of the bank. Till now all World Bank President have been from USA.
With the World Bank, there are concerns about the types of development projects funded. Many infrastructure projects financed by the World Bank Group have social and environmental implications for the populations in the affected areas and criticism has centred on the ethical issues of funding such projects. For example, World Bank-funded construction of hydroelectric dams in various countries has resulted in the displacement of indigenous peoples of the area.
The Bank’s undemocratic governance structure – which is dominated by industrialised countries – its privileging of the private sector and the controversy over the performance of World Bank-housed Climate Investment Funds have also been subject to criticism in debates around this issue.
There are also concerns that the World Bank working in partnership with the private sector may undermine the role of the state as the primary provider of essential goods and services, such as healthcare and education, resulting in the shortfall of such services in countries badly in need of them.
Conclusion:
It may be said that the World Bank has not come up to the expectations of many nations. Nevertheless, it has been instrumental to a very large extent in initiating and accelerating the work of economic reconstruction and development in different countries. No doubt, India has derived immense benefit from the World Bank.
The Bank may have failed to finance most of the development projects, but it should be remembered that it has financed quite a large number of them which have proved a notable success.
The Bank has also played a significant role outside financial matters by serving as a mediator between different countries on major economic and political issues. For instance, its help in the solution of the Indus Waters between India and Pakistan and the Suez Canal dispute between the U.K. and the U.A.R. has been invaluable.
International Development Association
The International Development Association (IDA) is the part of the World Bank group that helps the world’s poorest countries. Overseen by 173 shareholder nations, IDA aims to reduce poverty by providing loans (called “credits”) and grants for programs that boost economic growth, reduce inequalities, and improve people’s living conditions.
IDA complements the World Bank’s original lending arm—the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD). IBRD was established to function as a self-sustaining business and provides loans and advice to middle-income and credit-worthy poor countries. IBRD and IDA share the same staff and headquarters and evaluate projects with the same rigorous standards.
IDA is one of the largest sources of assistance for the world’s 771 poorest countries, 39 of which are in Africa, and is the single largest source of donor funds for basic social services in these countries.
IDA lends money on concessional terms. This means that IDA credits have a zero or very low interest charge and repayments are stretched over 25 to 40 years, including a 5- to 10-year grace period. IDA also provides grants to countries at risk of debt distress.
In the fiscal year ending June 30, 2015, IDA commitments totaled $19 billion, of which 13 percent was provided on grant terms. New commitments in FY15 comprised 191 new operations. Since 1960, IDA has provided $312 billion for investments in 112 countries. Annual commitments have increased steadily and averaged about $19 billion over the last three years.
IDA is a multi-issue institution, supporting a range of development activities that pave the way toward equality, economic growth, job creation, higher incomes, and better living conditions. IDA’s work covers primary education, basic health services, clean water and sanitation, agriculture, business climate improvements, infrastructure, and institutional reforms.
IFC
The IFC was established in 1956 to support the growth of the private sector in the developing world. The IFC’s stated mission is “to promote sustainable private sector investment in developing countries, helping to reduce poverty and improve people’s lives.”
While the World Bank (IBRD and IDA) provides credit and non-lending assistance to governments, the IFC provides loans and equity financing, advice, and technical services to the private sector. The IFC also plays a catalytic role, by mobilizing additional capital through loan syndication and by lessening the political risk for investors, enabling their participation in a given project. The IFC has worked with more than 3319 companies in 140 countries since its inception in 1956.
It is a public entity, although its clientele consists of transnational, national, and local private sector companies, operating in a competitive and fast-moving business environment.
The Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA)
It is an international financial institution which offers political risk insurance and credit enhancement guarantees. Such guarantees help investors protect foreign direct investments against political and non-commercial risks in developing countries. MIGA is a member of the World Bank Group and is headquartered in Washington, D.C., United States. It was established in 1988 as an investment insurance facility to encourage confident investment in developing countries. MIGA’s stated mission is “to promote foreign direct investment into developing countries to support economic growth, reduce poverty, and improve people’s lives”. It targets projects that endeavor to create new jobs, develop infrastructure, generate new tax revenues, and take advantage of natural resources through sustainable policies and programs.
MIGA is owned and governed by its member states, but has its own executive leadership and staff which carry out its daily operations. Its shareholders are member governments which provide paid-in capital and have the right to vote on its matters. It insures long-term debt and equity investments as well as other assets and contracts with long-term periods. The agency is assessed by the World Bank’s Independent Evaluation Group each year.
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND
The World Bank and the IMF performs different functions, but they are often confused with each other either with reference to their functions or with their operation. We are therefore, trying to clearly mark the points of difference between these two. You must remember that the name World Bank does not refers to a bank in conventional sense (this is because it performs development function). And International Monetary Fund or IMF performs the lending function(which we associate with banks).
The Great Depression of 1930s led to failure of several economies as a result the gold standard for valuation of currencies(where currencies were back by gold) dissipated.
Nations raised trade barriers, and devalued their currencies to compete against each other, in the export markets.
These factors led to a decline in world trade, which caused high unemployment, and sharp drop in living standards across many countries.
The Bretton Woods Conference after World War II in 1944, established a new international monetary system.C.D. Deshmukh was an Indian civil servant who represented India at the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944. Also remember that he was the first Indian Governor of Reserve Bank of India(RBI).[/box]
The international Bank for Reconstruction and Development( now called the World Bank) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) were established with different mandates.
Both these IMF and World Bank are also known as ‘Bretton Woods Twins’.
Let us study the details of both on a comparative basis. This will clear the air about confusion regarding both these institutions.
Structure and Size of IMF:
The International Monetary Fund:
188 countries member.
Headquarters: Washington, D.C.
It has 2,300 staff members.
Functions of IMF
The International Monetary Fund functions :
The IMF is basically a lending institution which gives advances to members in need.
It is the mentor of its members’ monetary and exchange rate policies.
To maintain the stability in Exchange rate system around the World.
It primarily urges its members to allow their currencies to be exchanged without any restriction for the currencies of other member countries of IMF.
The IMF supervises economic policies that influence the balance of payments in member’s’ economies. This provides an opportunity for early warning of any exchange rate or balance of payments problem in its member nations.
It provides short- and medium-term financial assistance to its member nations which run into any temporary balance of payments difficulties. This financial assistance involves the option of convertible currencies to alter the affected member’s troubled foreign exchange reserves. It is done only in return for that government’s promise to reform their economic policies that have caused the said balance of payments problem.
Criticism in the working of IMF
Critics of the World Bank and the IMF are concerned about the ‘conditionalities’ imposed on borrower countries. The World Bank and the IMF often attach loan conditionalities based on what is termed the ‘Washington Consensus’, focusing on liberalisation—of trade, investment and the financial sector—, deregulation and privatisation of nationalised industries. Often the conditionalities are attached without due regard for the borrower countries’ individual circumstances and the prescriptive recommendations by the World Bank and IMF fail to resolve the economic problems within the countries.
IMF conditionality’s may additionally result in the loss of a state’s authority to govern its own economy as national economic policies are predetermined under IMF packages. Issues of representation are raised as a consequence of the shift in the regulation of national economies from state governments to a Washington-based financial institution in which most developing countries hold little voting power. IMF packages have also been associated with negative social outcomes such as reduced investment in public health and education.
There are also criticisms against the World Bank and IMF governance structures which are dominated by industrialised countries. Decisions are made and policies implemented by leading industrialised countries—the G7—because they represent the largest donors without much consultation with poor and developing countries.
Recent reforms in IMF
Recently The emerging economies gained more influence in the governance architecture of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The reforms were agreed upon by the 188 members of the IMF in 2010, in the aftermath of the global financial meltdown.
More than six per cent of the quota shares will shift to emerging and developing countries from the U.S. and European countries.
Which countries gained?
India’s voting rights increase to 2.6 per cent from the current 2.3 per cent, and China’s to six per cent from 3.8. Russia and Brazil are the other two countries that gain from the reforms.
Significance
For the first time, the Executive Board will consist entirely of elected executive directors, ending the category of appointed executive directors. Currently, the members with the five largest quotas appoint an executive director, a position that will cease to exist.
The significant resource enhancement will fortify the IMF’s ability to respond to crises more effectively.
These reforms will reinforce the credibility, effectiveness, and legitimacy of the IMF.
ADB
Asian Development Bank (ADB) was set up to fight poverty in Asia and the Pacific. ADB is a multilateral development finance institution dedicated to reducing poverty in Asia and the Pacific. Established in 1966, ADB is now owned by 63 members, mostly from the region. The headquarters is in Manila with 24 other offices around the world.
Functions of The Asian Development Bank:
extends loans and equity investments to its developing member countries (DMCs) for their economic and social development
provides technical assistance for the planning and execution of development projects and for advisory services
promotes and facilitates investment of public and private capital for development
responds to requests for assistance in coordinating development policies and plans of its developing member countries
AIIB & NDB
AIIB and NDB
The New Development Bank (NDB) is established by The BRICSstates (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). According to the Agreement on the NDB, “the Bank shall support public or private projects through loans, guarantees, equity participation and other financial instruments.” Moreover, the NDB “shall cooperate with international organizations and other financial entities, and provide technical assistance for projects to be supported by the Bank.
The initial authorized capital of the bank is $100 billion divided into 1 million shares having a par value of $100,000 each. The initial subscribed capital of the NDB is $50 billion divided into paid-in shares ($10 bln) and callable shares ($40 bln). The initial subscribed capital of the bank was equally distributed among the founding members. The Agreement on the NDB specifies that the voting power of each member will be equal to the number of its subscribed shares in the capital stock of the bank.
The bank is headquartered in Shanghai, China. The first regional office of the NDB will be opened in Johannesburg, South Africa.
Why There was need for NDB?
Need for the creation of NDB was felt because of the discriminatory attitude of the West towards the developing countries. The BRICS member countries accounting for almost half of the world’s population and about one-fifth of global economic output have only 11 per cent of the votes at international financial institution like the IMF. Both the WB and the IMF are based on weighted voting system, which provide the rich countries a big say in the management. There are informal arrangements whereby the American is always at the top in the WB; while the European is in top position in IMF. In those monetary institutions, the developing countries don’t have enough voting rights.
Expectation is that the NDB with its total capital of $100 billion would meet short term liquidity requirement of the member countries. An effort has been made to avoid China’s dominance on the bank; for which India is made president of the bank for the first six years and after this Brazil and Russia would have turns with five years each.
Significance of the NDB
(1)The New Development Bank is not just about setting up yet another bank. It represents a new political will among new and emerging power in the world to challenge the old architecture of growth. 2) Over the last 20 years, it has been obvious that the growth impetus has shifted to Asia and also Africa. The World Bank and the IMF, dominated by the US and Europe, cannot function with limited voting powers for the new tigers. BRICS seeks to challenge their power structure. 3) The setting up of the New Development Bank and the $100 billion currency stabilization fund will signal the emergence of new international currencies to challenge the US dollar’s hegemony. In the initial years, the Chinese yuan will get internationalized first, followed by the Indian rupee after about a decade of strong growth in India’s economic and trade shares. Even though the dollar will continue to remain the biggest international currency for the foreseeable future,its share will start falling as the yuan rises. The world will have the dollar, euro, the yen and the yuan as it main currencies over the next decade. The dollar will not remain the only option for the settlement of global trades, especially when intra-Asian, African and Latin American shares of global trade start picking up in the decades ahead. 4) With $100 billion contingency reserves pool ,it will help any of its members if they are hit by a sudden exodus of foreign capital
Challenges NDB will face
Critical details as the cost of borrowing and to whom the NDB will lend are still not clear, and much will hinge on the new institution’s credibility in terms of lending and governance standards as these will in turn affect its credit ratings.
More important of all, the CRA is likely to be too small to be useful to any of the BRICS countries at the time of a crisis.
Each of the five BRICS has a different strategic imperative for creating the bank, while China, Russia and India have a greater stake in it than Brazil and South Africa. For China, the NDB along with the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank that it is also promoting, it’s all about challenging the dominance in Asia of the Japanese. Russia is keen to participate in the NDB as a way of shoring up its falling credibility thanks to its war games in Ukraine.
The Political tensions which the BRICS countries have with each other will likely to be carried into the NDB as well, so even if the technical architecture of the NDB works out well, these strategic interplays could constrain the NDB from fulfilling its potential.
India is preparing start a large number of infrastructure projects, but they’re short of money, so they need help from China. Of course they can get money from ADB or WB, but they also need to find a balance between China and USA.
It’s a great chance to develop economy links between India and China. These two countries both has huge market, and they also keep a rapid growth of economy.
Though AIIB is a Chinese-lead financial institution, India is welcomed to play a important role in it. It’s the reason why the UK, Germany and France all want to be a member of AIIB.
WTO
Introduction
World Trade Organization, as an institution was established in 1995. It replaced General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) which was in place since 1946. In pursuance of World War II, western countries came out with their version of development, which is moored in promotion of free trade and homogenization of world economy on western lines. This version claims that development will take place only if there is seamless trade among all the countries and there are minimal tariff and non- tariff barriers. That time along with two Bretton wood institutions – IMF and World Bank, an International Trade Organization (ITO) was conceived. ITO was successfully negotiated and agreed upon by almost all countries. It was supposed to work as a specialized arm of United Nation, towards promotion of free trade. However, United States along with many other major countries failed to get this treaty ratified in their respective legislatures and hence it became a dead letter.
Consequently, GATT became de-facto platform for issues related to international trade. It has to its credit some major successes in reduction of tariffs (custom duty) among the member countries. Measures against dumping of goods like imposition of Anti-Dumping Duty in victim countries, had also been agreed upon. It was signed in Geneva by only 23 countries and by 1986, when Uruguay round started (which was concluded in 1995 and led to creation of WTO in Marrakesh, Morocco), 123 countries were already its member. India has been member of GATT since 1948; hence it was party to Uruguay Round and a founding member of WTO. China joined WTO only in 2001 and Russia had to wait till 2012.
Why WTO replaced GATT?
While WTO came in existence in 1995, GATT didn’t cease to exist. It continues as WTO’s umbrella treaty for trade in goods.
There were certain limitations of GATT. Like –
It lacked institutional structure. GATT by itself was only the set of rules and multilateral agreements.
It didn’t cover trade in services, Intellectual Property Rights etc. It’s main focus was on Textiles and agriculture sector.
A strong Dispute Resolution Mechanism was absent.
By developing countries it was seen as a body meant for promoting interests of wests. This was because Geneva Treaty of 1946, where GATT was signed had no representation from newly independent states and socialist states.
Under GATT countries failed to curb quantitative restrictions on trade. (Non-Tariff barriers)
Accordingly WTO seeks to give more weightage to interests of global south in framing of multilateral treaties. Here, a number of other aspects have been brought into, such as Intellectual property under Trade related aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS), Services by General Agreement on Trade in Service (GATS), Investments under Trade related Investment Measures (TRIMS).
Uruguay Round and its Outcomes
This (8th round of multilateral negotiations) round begun in 1986 and went on till 1994. Uruguay Round of negotiations covered more issues and involved more countries than any previous round. It prescribes, among other things, that tariffs on industrial products be reduced by an average of more than one-third, that trade in agricultural goods be progressively liberalized, and that a new body, the World Trade Organization, be established both to facilitate the implementation of multilateral trade agreements and to serve as a forum for future negotiations.
Agreements to liberalize trade in industrial products include reductions in tariffs and removal of quantitative restrictions. The advanced countries agreed to reduce tariffs on industrial imports amounting to 64 percent of the total value of their imports of such products; 18 percent of their industrial imports were already duty-free under commitments made prior to the Round. By comparison, the developing countries agreed to lower their tariffs on about one-third of their industrial imports, and the participating transition countries on three-quarters of theirs. Tariff reductions are to be completed by the year 2000 except for certain sensitive sectors such as textiles, for which the reductions must be completed by 2005. Further, outcome of this round mandated reduction of import duty on Tropical Products, which are mainly exported by developing and least developed countries.
The most important of them were a fixed timetable for dismantling the multi-fibre agreement (MFA) governing trade in textiles enshrined in the agreement on textiles and clothing (ATC) and the agreement on agriculture (AOA). Consider each in turn.
As per the ATC, developed countries would progressively bring greater volumes of textile trade under the normal Gatt tariff disciplines. It was recognised that the developed countries (like any other country) also needed time for ‘structural adjustment’. The time was mainly required for achieving domestic political acceptance of structural change in these economies. Accordingly, it was decided that by January 1, 2005 all textile trade would be off quotas. What was the actual experience?
While countries like Norway did follow the time table, both the US and the EU used simple arithmetic to postpone the end of quotas on exports of developing countries till the end of the period. This was done by the simple expedient of initially bringing out of quotas only those textile and clothing items where exports of developing countries were minimal. When 2005 approached, an attempt was made to scuttle the ATC by arguing that it would be harmful for exports of less competitive developing countries!
it was decided to bring the textile trade under the jurisdiction of the World Trade Organization. The Agreement on Textiles and Clothing provided for the gradual dismantling of the quotas that existed under the MFA. This process was completed on 1 January 2005. However, large tariffs remain in place on many textile products.
Principle of the Trading System – WTO
1) Non Discrimination
a) Most Favored Nation
Treating other nations equally- Under the WTO agreements, countries cannot normally discriminate between their trading partners. If they grant some country a special favor (such as a lower customs duty rate for one of their products), then they’ll have to do the same for all other WTO members.
Some exceptions are allowed. For example,
Countries can set up a free trade agreement that applies only to goods traded within the group — discriminating against goods from outside.
Or they can give developing countries special access to their markets.
Or a country can raise barriers against products that are considered to be traded unfairly from specific countries. And in services, countries are allowed, in limited circumstances, to discriminate.
b) National Treatment: Treating foreigners and locals equally
This principle of “national treatment” (giving others the same treatment as one’s own nationals) is also found in all the three main WTO agreements (Article 3 of GATT, Article 17 of GATS and Article 3 of TRIPS)
National treatment only applies once a product, service or item of intellectual property has entered the market. Therefore, charging customs duty on an import is not a violation of national treatment even if locally-produced products are not charged an equivalent tax.(as this happens before entry into domestic market)
2) Freer Trade : Gradually through negotiation
Lowering trade barriers is one of the most obvious means of encouraging trade. The barriers concerned include customs duties (or tariffs) and measures such as import bans or quotas that restrict quantities selectively. From time to time other issues such as red tape and exchange rate policies have also been discussed
3) Predictability : Through binding and Transparency
With stability and predictability, investment is encouraged, jobs are created and consumers can fully enjoy the benefits of competition — choice and lower prices. The multilateral trading system is an attempt by governments to make the business environment stable and predictable.
The Uruguay Round increased bindings
Percentages of tariffs bound before and after the 1986-94 talks
Before
After
Developed countries
78
99
Developing countries
21
73
Transition economies
73
98
(These are tariff lines, so percentages are not weighted according to trade volume or value)
In the WTO, when countries agree to open their markets for goods or services, they “bind” their commitments. For goods, these bindings amount to ceilings on customs tariff rates. Sometimes countries tax imports at rates that are lower than the bound rates. Frequently this is the case in developing countries. In developed countries the rates actually charged and the bound rates tend to be the same.
4) Promoting fair competition
The WTO is sometimes described as a “free trade” institution, but that is not entirely accurate. The system does allow tariffs and, in limited circumstances, other forms of protection. More accurately, it is a system of rules dedicated to open, fair and undistorted competition.
The rules on non-discrimination — MFN and national treatment — are designed to secure fair conditions of trade. So too are those on dumping (exporting at below cost to gain market share) and subsidies.
The issues are complex, and the rules try to establish what is fair or unfair, and how governments can respond, in particular by charging additional import duties calculated to compensate for damage caused by unfair trade.
Many of the other WTO agreements aim to support fair competition: in agriculture, intellectual property, services, for example. The agreement on government procurement (a “plurilateral” agreement because it is signed by only a few WTO members) extends competition rules to purchases by thousands of government entities in many countries. And so on.
5) Encouraging Development and Economic Reforms
The WTO system contributes to development. On the other hand, developing countries need flexibility in the time they take to implement the system’s agreements. And the agreements themselves inherit the earlier provisions of GATT that allow for special assistance and trade concessions for developing countries.
Over three quarters of WTO members are developing countries and countries in transition to market economies.
During the seven and a half years of the Uruguay Round, over 60 of these countries implemented trade liberalization programmes autonomously. At the same time, developing countries and transition economies were much more active and influential in the Uruguay Round negotiations than in any previous round, and they are even more so in the current Doha Development Agenda.
Major agreements of WTO
All these agreements were concluded during negotiations of Uruguay round i.e. in or before 1995. In most agreements new proposals have been brought in by different countries, which we will discuss later.
Agreement on subsidies and countervailing measures – SCM
The WTO SCM Agreement contains a definition of the term “subsidy”. The definition contains three basic elements: (i) a financial contribution (ii) by a government or any public body within the territory of a Member (iii) which confers a benefit. All three of these elements must be satisfied in order for a subsidy to exist.
In order for a financial contribution to be a subsidy, it must be made by or at the direction of a government or any public body within the territory of a Member. Thus, the SCM Agreement applies not only to measures of national governments, but also to measures of sub-national governments and of such public bodies as state-owned companies.
Further, Such Financial contribution must also confer benefit to the industry. Now, in cash grants, benefit will be straightforward to identify, but in cases where there is loan or capital infusion from government/ Public body, it will not be that easy. Such issues are resolved by appellate body of WTO.
Only “specific” subsidies are subject to the SCM Agreement disciplines. There are four types of “specificity” within the meaning of the SCM Agreement:
Enterprise-specificity. A government targets a particular company or companies for subsidization;
Industry-specificity. A government targets a particular sector or sectors for subsidization.
Regional specificity. A government targets producers in specified parts of its territory for subsidization.
Prohibited subsidies. A government targets export goods or goods using domestic inputs for subsidization.
Hence there are two types of prohibited subsidies –
Subsidies contingent upon export performance.
Subsidies contingent upon use of domestic content over imported goods.
Further, there is separate category of ‘Actionable subsidies’. These are not prohibited but countries can take ‘Countervailing measures’ against these subsidies or they can be challenged in ‘dispute resolution body’ of WTO.
For a subsidy to be actionable, 3 conditions should be present –
Injury to domestic industry due to subsidized imports of other country.
There is serious prejudice: Serious prejudice usually arises as a result of adverse effects (e.g., export displacement) in the market of the subsidizing Member or in a third country market. For e.g. If India starts subsidizing its textile sector heavily, then China can claim that this subsidy is causing serious prejudice to its textile industry.
Nullification or impairment of benefits accruing under the GATT 1994. It means when benefit to be accrued from reduction of tariffs (under GATT) are nullified by increase in subsidies.
Against such subsidies members can take Countervailing Measures, such as imposing countervailing duties or antidumping duty. These can only be done in a transparent manner and a sunset period should be specified. Recently, India imposed Anti- Dumping duty on imports of stainless steel from China.
Countervailing Duty – It is imposed on imported goods to counterbalance subsidy provided by the exporter country.
Anti-Dumping Duty – At times countries resort to subsidize production or exports so heavily that exporters are able to sell goods below domestic price or even cost of production in foreign markets. It is aimed at wiping out target country’s industry. Anti-Dumping Duty is aimed at counterbalancing such subsidization.
General Agreement on Trade in Services – GATS
The GATS was inspired by essentially the same objectives as its counterpart in merchandise trade, GATT: creating a credible and reliable system of international trade rules; ensuring fair and equitable treatment of all participants (principle of non-discrimination); stimulating economic activity through guaranteed policy bindings; and promoting trade and development through progressive liberalization.
While services currently account for over 60 percent of global production and employment, they represent no more than 20 per cent of total trade (BOP basis). This — seemingly modest — share should not be underestimated, however. Many services, which have long been considered genuine domestic activities, have increasingly become internationally mobile.
This trend is likely to continue, owing to the introduction of new transmission technologies (e.g. electronic banking, tele-health or tele-education services), the opening up in many countries of long-entrenched monopolies (e.g. voice telephony and postal services), and regulatory reforms in hitherto tightly regulated sectors such as transport. Combined with changing consumer preferences, such technical and regulatory innovations have enhanced the “tradability” of services and, thus, created a need for multilateral disciplines.
Services negotiations in the WTO follow the so-called positive list approach, whereby members’ schedules of specific commitments list all of the services sectors and sub-sectors where they undertake to bind the market opening and the granting of national treatment to foreign service suppliers, apart the listed barriers that remain. Sectors and sub-sectors not included in the schedule are exempt from any obligations as regards market access and national treatment.
West is pushing hard to move from positive list approach to negative list approach. In negative list approach, services where GATS is not applicable will have to be negotiated, agreed upon and specified. India is against this concept as it will throw open almost whole Indian services sector to western multinational giants.
Negotiations is services under GATS are classified in 4 modes, interests of different countries depend upon this classification –
Mode 1 – It includes cross border supply of services without movement of natural persons. For eg. Business Process Outsourcing, KPO or LPO services. Here, it’s in India’s interest to push for liberalization given its large human resource pool and competitive IT industry.
Mode 2 – This mode covers supply of a service of one country to the service consumer of any other country. E.g. telecommunication
Mode 3 – Commercial presence – which covers services provided by a service supplier of one country in the territory of any other country. This opens door of relevant sector in one country to investments from another country. Accordingly, it is in west’s interest to push for liberalization here. There has been sustained pressure to open up higher education sector, insurance sector, Medical sector etc through this mode.
Mode 4 – Presence of natural persons – which covers services provided by a service supplier of one country through the presence of natural persons in the territory of any other country. E.g. Infosys or TCS sending its engineers for onsite work in US/Europe or Australia. Here again it’s in India’s interest to push for liberalization. In 2012, India dragged the US to the World Trade Organization’s (WTO’s) dispute settlement body (DSB) over an increase in the professional visa fee (H1B/L1).
TRIPS
The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) is an international agreement administered by the World Trade Organization (WTO) that sets down minimum standards for many forms of intellectual property (IP) regulation as applied to nationals of other WTO Members. It was negotiated at the end of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1994.
It remains an issue between Developed and developing countries. TRIPS was fine tuned in favor of developing countries in 2003, as part of Doha development agenda, when all members agreed to compulsory licensing in certain cases. However, now U.S. and Europe remain unhappy about current strict terms of patent allowed by TRIPS
2. TRIMS
The Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures (TRIMS) recognizes that certain investment measures can restrict and distort trade. It states that WTO members may not apply any measure that discriminates against foreign products or that leads to quantitative restrictions, both of which violate basic WTO principles. A list of prohibited TRIMS, such as local content requirements, is part of the Agreement. Recently India was dragged to WTO by U.S. over former’s specification of Domestic Content Requirement in relation to procurement of Solar Energy cells and equipments.
AOA
WTO’s agreement on agriculture was concluded in 1994, and was aimed to remove trade barriers and to promote transparent market access and integration of global markets. Agreement is highly complicated and controversial; it is often criticized as a tool in hands of developed countries to exploit weak countries. Negotiations are still going on for some of its aspects.
Agreement on agriculture stands on 3 pillars viz. Domestic Support, Market Access, and Export Subsidies.
Domestic Support – It refers to subsidies such guaranteed Minimum Price or Input subsidies which are direct and product specific. Under this, Subsidies are categorized into 3 boxes –
a) Green Box – Subsidies which are no or least market distorting includes measures decoupled from outputsuch as income-support payments (decoupled income support), safety – net programs, payments under environmental programs, and agricultural research and-development subsidies.
Such as Income Support which is not product specific. Like in India farmer is supported for specific products and separate support prices are there for rice, wheat etc. On the other hand income support is uniformly available to farmers and crop doesn’t matter.
US has exploited this opportunity to fullest by decoupling subsidies from outputs and as of now green box subsidies are about 90% of its total subsidies. It was easy for USA because it doesn’t have concern for food security. Further, it has prosperous agro economy, and farmers can better respond to markets and shift to other crops. But in India, domestic support regime provides livelihood guarantee to farmers and also ensures food security and sufficiency. For this MSP regime tries to promote production of particular crop in demand. And this makes decoupling Support with output very complicated.
USA was also in position to subsidies R&D expenditure in agriculture as almost all the farming in US is capitalist and commercial. Big agriculturists spend substantial amount on technology upgradations and R&D. But in India about 80% of farming is subsistence and hence, India & other developing countries can use this opportunity.
b) Blue Box – Only ‘Production limiting Subsidies’ under this are allowed. They cover payments based on acreage, yield, or number of livestock in a base year.
‘Targets price’ are allowed to be fixed by government and if ‘market prices’ are lower, then farmer will be compensated with difference between target prices and market prices in cash. This cash shall not be invested by farmer in expansion of production.
Loophole here is that there no limit on target prices that can be set and those are often set far above market prices deliberately. USA currently isn’t using this method, instead here EU is active.
c) Amber Box – Those subsidies which are trade distorting and need to be curbed.
The Amber Box contains category of domestic support that is scheduled for reduction based on a formula called the “Aggregate Measure of Support” (AMS).
The AMS is the amount of money spent by governments on agricultural production, except for those contained in the Blue Box, Green Box and ‘de minimis’.
It required member countries to report their total AMS for the period between 1986 and 1988, bind it, and reduce it according to an agreed upon schedule. Developed countries agreed to reduce these figures by 20% over six years starting in 1995. Developing countries agreed to make 13% cuts over 10 years. Least – developed countries do not need to make any cuts.
As we can note that Subsidies were bind to levels of 1986-1988, there was inequality at very beginning of the agreement. At that time subsidies which latter came under ‘Amber Box’ were historically high in western countries.
In developing countries, including India these subsidies were very limited. It is only now under pressure of Inflation in prices of agricultural Inputs, and wide differences between market prices and Minimum support Price, subsidies have grown to this level. In effect developed countries are allowed to maintain substantially higher amount of trade distorting subsidies.
De-Minimis provision
Under this provision developed countries are allowed to maintain trade distorting subsidies or ‘Amber box’ subsidies to level of 5% of total value of agricultural output. For developing countries this figure was 10%.
So far India’s subsidies are below this limit, but it is growing consistently. This is because MSP are always revised upward whereas Market Prices have fluctuating trends. In recent times when crash in international market prices of many crops is seen, government doesn’t have much option to reduce MSP drastically. By this analogy India’s amber box subsidies are likely to cross 10% level allowed by de Minimis provision.
Market Access: The market access requires that tariffs fixed (like custom duties) by individual countries be cut progressively to allow free trade. It also required countries to remove non-tariff barriers and convert them to Tariff duties.
Earlier there were quotas for Imports under which only certain quantities of particular commodities were allowed to Import. This is an example of Non-tariff Barrier.
India has agreed to this agreement and substantially reduced tariffs. Only goods which are exempted by the agreement are kept under control.
Maximum tariff has been bonded as required by WTO, under which a higher side of tariffs is fixed in percentage that should never be surpassed. Generally actual tariffs are far below this high limit. This makes custom policy transparent and tariffs can’t be fixed arbitrarily.
If India is able to diversify its production and add value by food processing, then this is a win-win deal for India. A number of commodities are exported to West and low tariffs in west will benefit Indian suppliers.
Export Subsidy: These can be in form of subsidy on inputs of agriculture, making export cheaper or can be other incentives for exports such as import duty remission etc. These can result in dumping of highly subsidized (and cheap) products in other country. This can damage domestic agriculture sector of other country.
These subsidies are also aligned to 1986-1990 levels, when export subsidies by developed countries was substantially higher and Developing countries almost had no export subsidies that time.
But USA is dodging this provision by its Export credit guarantee program. In this, USA gov. gives subsidized credit to purchaser of US agricultural products, which are to be paid back in long periods. This is generally done for Food Aid programs, such as (Public Law-480) under which food aid is send massively to under developed countries.
India also received this Aid in 1960’s. But this is only at concessional rates and credit options. But this results in perpetual dependence on foreign grain in recipient countries and destroys their domestic agriculture. So this is equally trade distorting subsidy, which is not currently under ambit of WTO’s AOA.
There is little doubt that subsidies and support to agriculture should be controlled and better targeted. WTO negotiations also claim to work towards this direction, but inherent conflicting and vested interest of few countries are too influential in WTO. Every country has different requirements and different product mix, so enough flexibility is must in any agreement.
Further, right to food is a global movement and is guaranteed by numerous UN conventions. So, ensuring food security is a domestic concern of a nation, international community can just advice but can’t coerce other sovereign country. Thus, India has to made its expenditure much more effective, with dynamic policy and resist any outside pressure which is misdirected towards negative results for Indian people.
Special Safeguard Mechanism
A Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) would allow developing countries to impose additional (temporary) safeguard duties in the event of an abnormal surge in imports or the entry of unusually cheap imports.
Debates have arisen around this question, some negotiating parties claiming that SSM could be repeatedly and excessively invoked, distorting trade. In turn, theG33 bloc of developing countries, a major SSM proponent, has argued that breaches of bound tariffs should not be ruled out if the SSM is to be an effective remedy. SSM is quite important in a scenario in which west has significant powers to subsidize their production and in turn, exports.
Special Products
At the 2005 WTO Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong, members agreed to allow developing countries to “designate an appropriate number of tariff lines as Special Products” (SPs) based on “food security, livelihood security and rural development”
Multifibre Arrangement and Agreement on Textiles and Clothing
The MFA was introduced in 1974 as a short-term measure intended to allow developed countries to adjust to imports from the developing world. Developing countries and countries without a welfare state] have an absolute advantage in textile production because it is labor-intensive and they have low labor costs.
The Arrangement was not negative for all developing countries. For example, the European Union (EU) imposed no restrictions or duties on imports from the emerging countries, such as Bangladesh, leading to a massive expansion of the industry there.
It was decided to bring the textile trade under the jurisdiction of the World Trade Organization. The Agreement on Textiles and Clothing provided for the gradual dismantling of the quotas that existed under the MFA. This process was completed on 1 January 2005. However, large tariffs remain in place on many textile products.
Sanitary and Phyto- Sanitary Measures
This agreement was one of the results of Uruguay Round of negotiation entered into force with the establishment of the World Trade Organization on 1 January 1995. The Agreement sets out the basic rules for food safety and animal and plant health standards. It allows countries to set their own standards. But it also says regulations must be based on science. They should be applied only to the extent necessary to protect human, animal or plant life or health. And they should not arbitrarily or unjustifiably discriminate between countries where identical or similar conditions prevail.
Doha Development Round
For the next ministerial (Seattle) meet developed countries tried to push a lopsided agreement on Singapore Issues down the throat of developing countries, but latter successfully resisted. All this while, allegations were hurled on developed countries for ignoring developmental challenges of developing and least developed countries.
This made developed countries to agree to a ‘developmental agenda’ and new round of negotiations – Doha Development Round begun at 4th ministerial meet in Doha. It is said that this was agreed to by developed countries in expectation that contents of ‘Singapore Issues’ will be agreed by dissidents.
Main issues of Doha Development Round:
Agriculture – First proposal in Qatar, in 2001, called for the end agreement to commit to substantial improvements in market access; reductions (and ultimate elimination) of all forms of export subsidies (including under Green and blue box); and substantial reductions in trade-distorting support.
The United States is being asked by the EU and the developing countries, led by Brazil and India, to make a more generous offer for reducing trade-distorting domestic support for agriculture. The United States is insisting that the EU and the developing countries agree to make more substantial reductions in tariffs and to limit the number of import-sensitive and ‘special products’ (aoa) that would be exempt from cuts.
Import-sensitive products are of most concern to developed countries like the European Union, while developing countries are concerned with special products – those exempt from both tariff cuts and subsidy reductions because of development, food security, or livelihood considerations.
Brazil has emphasized reductions in trade-distorting domestic subsidies, especially by the United States (some of which it successfully challenged in the WTO U.S.-Brazil cotton dispute), while India has insisted on a large number of special products that would not be exposed to wider market opening.
Access to patented medicines –
A major topic at the Doha ministerial regarded the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). The issue involves the balance of interests between the pharmaceutical companies in developed countries that held patents on medicines and the public health needs in developing countries. Before the Doha meeting, the United States claimed that the current language in TRIPS was flexible enough to address health emergencies, but other countries insisted on new language.
On 30 August 2003, WTO members reached agreement on the TRIPS and medicines issue. Voting in the General Council, member governments approved a decision that offered an interim waiver under the TRIPS Agreement allowing a member country to export pharmaceutical products made under compulsory licenses to least-developed and certain other members. It also allows members to not to allow evergreening of Patents.
Special and differential treatment (SDT) – SDT as a principle has been there since 1970’s in multilateral negotiations under GATT. In Doha round, members agreed that Developing and Least developed countries will continue to be eligible for a favorable treatment.
However, of late developed countries are dragging their feet here too. They now claim that big developing countries like India, China, Brazil and South Africa are unreasonable in their demand and only least developed countries are rightful claimant of differential treatment. Here it is inconceivable that poor countries like India are to be treated at par with western developed world. At the December 2005 Hong Kong ministerial, members agreed to five S&D provisions for least developed countries(LDCs), including the duty-free and quota-free access.
Implementation issue: Developing countries claim that they have had problems with the implementation of the agreements reached in the earlier Uruguay Round because of limited capacity or lack of technical assistance. They also claim that they have not realized certain benefits that they expected from the Round, such as increased access for their textiles and apparel in developed-country markets. They seek a clarification of language relating to their interests in existing agreements.
Apart from this, there was agreement on prevention of appropriation of Traditional Knowledge of developing world by Corporations in west Latest – Nairobi Ministerial Meet – 2015:
Recently concluded Nairobi meet was a huge disappointment for the developing and under developed world. Here, U.S. trade Representative unabashedly called Doha Development Agenda a dead, outdated and undesirable course. West is desperately trying to set aside development aspect of negotiations, to which it had agreed in Doha. Its focus is now on Trade Facilitation Agreement which was agreed to in Bali meet. Further, they are trying to introduce new issues (including some Singapore issues) such as Government Procurement, E-commerce, Investment, Competition policy. To this India and other developing countries took strong objection.
In the run-up to the Nairobi meeting, a large majority of developing countries led by India, China, South Africa, Indonesia, Ecuador, and Venezuela prepared the ground to ensure that the Doha Round of negotiations are not closed by the two trans-Atlantic trade elephants. They also tabled detailed proposals for a permanent solution for public stockholding programmes for food security and a special safeguard mechanism (SSM) to protect millions of resource-poor and low-income farmers from the import surges from industrialized countries.
Again, the two proposals were actively opposed by the US, which led a sustained campaign to ensure that there was neither an outcome on continuing DDA negotiations nor a deal on SSM and public stockholdings for food security.
Highlights of Nairobi outcomes:
There was a commitment to completely eliminate subsidies for farm exports
Under the decision, developed members have committed to remove export subsidies immediately, except for a handful of agriculture products, and developing countries will do so by 2018. Developing members will keep the flexibility to cover marketing and transport costs for agriculture exports until the end of 2023, and the poorest and food-importing countries would enjoy additional time to cut export subsidies.
Ministers also adopted a Ministerial Decision on Public Stockholding for Food Security Purposes. The decision commits members to engage constructively in finding a permanent solution to this issue. Under the Bali Ministerial Decision of 2013, developing countries are allowed to continue food stockpile programmes, which are otherwise in risk of breaching the WTO’s domestic subsidy cap, until a permanent solution is found by the 11th Ministerial Conference in 2017.
A Ministerial Decision on a Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) for Developing Countries recognizes that developing members will have the right to temporarily increase tariffs in face of import surges by using an SSM. Members will continue to negotiate the mechanism in dedicated sessions of the Agriculture Committee. (This means issue is not closed and still under negotiation).
There were other decisions of particular interests of least developing Countries. One of them is Preferential Rules of Origin. It entails that ‘Made in LDC’ products will get unrestricted access to markets of non-LDCs.
There was affirmation that Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) remain complementary to, not a substitute for, the multilateral trading system (WTO).
Ministers acknowledged that members “have different views” on how to address the future of the Doha Round negotiations but noted the “strong commitment of all Members to advance negotiations on the remaining Doha issues.
Is WTO a friend or foe of India?
India is one of the prominent members of WTO and is largely seen as leader of developing and under developed world. At WTO, decisions are taken by consensus. So there is bleak possibility that anything severely unfavorable to India’s interest can be unilaterally imposed. India stands to gain from different issues being negotiated in the forum provided it engages with different interest groups constructively, while safeguarding its developmental concerns.
In absence of such a body we stand to lose a platform through which we can mobilize opinion of likeminded countries against selfish designs of west. Thanks to vast resources of developed countries they can easily win smaller countries to their side.
WTO provides a forum for such developing countries to unite and pressurize developed countries to make trade sweeter for poor countries. Accordingly, India remains committed to various developmental issues such as Doha Development Agenda, Special Safeguard Mechanism, Permanent solution of issue of public stock holding etc.
Apart from this, Dispute Resolution Mechanism of WTO is highly efficient. Chronological list of cases in WTO can be accessed here. Countries drag their trading partner to this body when action of one country is perceived to be unfair and violative of any WTO agreement, by other country.
Cases of Complaints against India
India — Certain Measures Relating to Solar Cells and Solar Modules (Complainant: United States)
India —Anti-Dumping Duties on USB Flash Drives from the Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu(Complainant: Chinese Taipei)
India —Measures Concerning the Importation of Certain Agricultural Products(Complainant: United States)
India —Certain Taxes and Other Measures on Imported Wines and Spirits(Complainant: European Communities)
Cases of Complaints by India
United States —Countervailing Measures on Certain Hot-Rolled Carbon Steel Flat Products from India (Complainant: India)
Turkey —Safeguard measures on imports of cotton yarn (other than sewing thread)(Complainant: India)
European Union and a Member State —Seizure of Generic Drugs in Transit(Complainant: India)
Hence, WTO is a body which provides opportunity to aggrieved country to bring unfair trade practices to notice of Dispute Settlement body and to bring an end to such unfair practice. This dimension of WTO makes it a desirable and neutral body as it seeks to create a just global trading system.
What is Indo – US’s WTO problem?
Since end of cold war both countries have witnessed a spectacular improvement in bilateral relations in almost all spheres. However, at WTO platform two countries remain arch rival and leaders of opposite camps. U.S. has severe disliking for India’s position in atleast two spheres – Agriculture and Intellectual Property.
Agriculture
We have already seen that Agreement on Agriculture which was hatched in Uruguay round negotiations is heavily tilted in favor of developed world. For balancing this India as part of Group of developing and least developed nations (G-33) proposed amendment to AOA in 2008.
Current quest of G-33, toward achieving permanent solution is follow up story of this proposal only. As of now, Peace Clause agreed to in 2013, allows us perpetually to continue our food stocking program at administered prices, without being dragged into WTO for violation of AOA.
Intellectual Property
Further, as part of Doha Development Agenda, developing countries managed to tweak ‘Agreement on Trade related aspects of Intellectual Property’ (TRIPS) in favor of developing countries by allowing compulsory licensing in certain circumstances. First compulsory license was granted by Indian Patent Office to NATCO for ‘nexavar’ drug produced originally by German firm Bayer AG.
Since then US pharma industry has been apprehensive of frequent evocation of this principle in developing world. US not only want this concept to be done away with, it also wants a liberal IPR regime which allows evergreening of patents.
Indian Patent Act as amended in 2005 allows protection of both product and process, but it allows patent only when there is enhanced efficacy of the substance. If a company re-invents a previously known substance in to new form e.g. from Solid to Liquid, then protection can’t be granted. India due to its promising pharmaceutical industry exploits these powers religiously. Since India’s course is not violative of TRIPS, question of India being challenged in WTO doesn’t arise
Domestic Content Requirement in Solar Panel
Recently, India lost this case to US in WTO’s dispute resolution body. India has prescribed ‘domestic content requirement’ for procurement of Solar cells/panels for its target of installing 100 GW of solar power by 2022. Under this some (about 5%) procurement was reserved to be bought from Indian vendors, to promote indigenous industry. US alleged that this is against principles of Non Discrimination and National Treatment.
India now has appealed against this decision and can get 2 year reprieve from rolling back of scheme.
Earlier this year, WTO had ruled against the Indian ban on import of poultry meat, eggs and live pigs from the US, stating that it was not consistent with international norms.
Visa problem
Recently, U.S. has double the fees for certain categories of H1B and L1 visas to $4,000 and $4,500 respectively. H1B and L1 visas are temporary work visas for skilled professionals. India is the largest user of H1B visas (67.4 per cent of the total 161,369 H1B visas issued in FY14 went to Indians) and is also among the largest users of L1 visas (Indians received 28.2 per cent of the 71,513 L1 visas issued in FY14). India is likely to pursue bilateral discussions over the issue, but as last resort it may head to WTO if nothing comes out.
Important Contemporary Issues
Currency War
China has devalued its currency twice in last 1 year, many economist believe that it is in response to Quantitative easing programme of the USA which has led to depreciation of US dollar against YUAN and hurted Chinese exports. This devaluation is termed as maturation of currency war which is prevailing in world economy since last few years.
What is currency war?
A currency war refers to a situation where a number of nations seek to deliberately depreciate the value of their domestic currencies in order to stimulate their economies. Although currency depreciation or devaluation is a common occurrence in the foreign exchange market, the hallmark of a currency war is the significant number of nations that may be simultaneously engaged in attempts to devalue their currency at the same time.
More than 20 countries having reduced interest rates or implemented measures to ease monetary policy from January 2015 and January 2016 , the trillion-dollar question is – are we already in the midst of a currency war
Why do countries indulge in currency war?
It may seem counter-intuitive, but a strong currency is not necessarily in a nation’s best interests. A weak domestic currency makes a nation’s exports more competitive in global markets, and simultaneously makes imports more expensive.
Higher export volumes spur economic growth, while pricey imports also have a similar effect because consumers opt for local alternatives to imported products. This improvement in terms of trade generally translates into a lower current account deficit (or a greater current account surplus), higher employment, and faster GDP growth.
The stimulative monetary policies that usually result in a weak currency also have a positive impact on the nation’s capital and housing markets, which in turn boosts domestic consumption through the wealth effect.
Negative Effects of a Currency War
Currency depreciation is not the panacea for all economic problems. Brazil is a case in point. The Brazilian real has plunged 48% since 2011, but the steep currency devaluation has been unable to offset other problems such as plunging crude oil and commodity prices, and a widening corruption scandal. As a result, the Brazilian economy is forecast by the IMF to contract 1% in 2015, after barely growing in 2014.
So what are the negative effects of a currency war?
Currency devaluation may lower productivity in the long-term, since imports of capital equipment and machinery become too expensive for local businesses. If currency depreciation is not accompanied by genuine structural reforms, productivity will eventually suffer.
The degree of currency depreciation may be greater than what is desired, which may eventually cause rising inflation and capital outflows.
A currency war may lead to greater protectionism and the erecting of trade barriers, which would impede global trade.
Competitive devaluation may cause an increase in currency volatility, which in turn would lead to higher hedging costs for companies and possibly deter foreign investment.
Are countries today indulging in currency war?
The Yuan has lost 5.8 per cent since August 10 when the Chinese central bank devalued the currency. The European Central Bank’s (ECB) has promised to further its quantitative easing programme, While recently Japanese central bank has brought negative interest rate in Japan which is likely to make YEN weaker. Even central bank of many emerging economies like Turkey, Brazil and South Africa are also following easy monetary policy in order to make their currency weak. This has proved that countries are indulging in currency war currently.
Should India indulge in currency war?
In 2015 the rupee has depreciated just about five per cent against the dollar, compared with a 20-35 per cent loss in currencies of Brazil, Argentina and Turkey. At the same time, the rupee’s peers in Asia have fallen about seven to nine per cent over the past year. Many experts believe that our lack of indulgence in currency war has led to fall in India’s exports and therefore India should indulge in currency war in order to protect our turf. However if we closely analyze we find that Currency war is not a solution for India for number of reasons.
Currency depreciation is not the panacea for all economic problems. Brazil is a case in point. The Brazilian real has plunged 48% since 2011, but the steep currency devaluation has been unable to offset other problems such as plunging crude oil and commodity prices, and a widening corruption scandal.
At a time when India is starved of domestic capital, foreign capital has been a savior. In fact, India has been making all efforts to attract foreign capital. A weak rupee impacts their return on capital and would starve India of foreign capital
Thirdly India’s imports are inelastic and therefore a weak currency could lead to Balance of payment crisis.
We have also seen other negative effects of currency war above, Therefore India not rely on weak currency to boost its growth and exports instead it should focus on doing real reforms including improving infrastructure, labour reforms, passing GST to have a long term stable and sustainable positive effect on growth and trade.
UNO
The United Nations is an international organization founded in 1945 after the Second World War by 51 countries committed to maintaining international peace and security, developing friendly relations among nations and promoting social progress, better living standards and human rights.
The United Nations was the second multipurpose international organization established in the 20th century that was worldwide in scope and membership. Its predecessor, the League of Nations, was created by the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and disbanded in 1946.
Due to its unique international character, and the powers vested in its founding Charter, the Organization can take action on a wide range of issues, and provide a forum for its 193 Member States to express their views, through the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council and other bodies and committees.
UN TIMELINE:
The UN has 4 main purposes :
To keep peace throughout the world;
To develop friendly relations among nations;
To help nations work together to improve the lives of poor people, to conquer hunger, disease and illiteracy, and to encourage respect for each other’s rights and freedoms;
To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations to achieve these goals.
How UN gets Funded
The United Nations (UN) is funded by its member states through compulsory and voluntary contributions. The size of each state’s compulsory contribution depends mainly on its economic strength, though its state of development and debt situation are also taken into account.
Over and above their compulsory contributions, member states also make voluntary contributions to:
The Specialized Agencies of the UN System such as the UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the World Health Organization (WHO)
UN Programmes and Funds such as the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).
Organisation Structure of UN :
Structure of UN
The Charter of United Nations established six main bodies of the United Nations Organisation: the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, The International Court of Justice and the Secretariat. Sixth principal organ, the Trusteeship Council, suspended operations in 1994, upon the independence of Palau, the last remaining UN trustee territory and now it has five Principal Organs.
Four of the five principal organs are located at the main UN Headquarters in New York City. The International Court of Justice is located in The Hague. The six official languages of the United Nations, used in intergovernmental meetings and documents, are Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian, and Spanish. On the basis of the Convention on the Privileges and Immunities of the United Nations, the UN and its agencies are immune from the laws of the countries where they operate, safeguarding the UN’s impartiality with regard to the host and member countries.
General Assembly:
The General Assembly is the main deliberative, policymaking and representative organ of the United Nations.
It is Comprise of all 193 Members of the United Nations.
It provides a unique forum for multilateral discussion of the full spectrum of international issues covered by the Charter.
Decisions on important questions, such as those on peace and security, admission of new members and budgetary matters, require a two-thirds majority. Decisions on other questions are by simple majority.
Each country has one vote in General Assembly.
It also plays a significant role in the process of standard-setting and the codification of international law.
The assembly is led by a president, elected from among the member states on a rotating regional basis.
Function & Powers of Assembly:
Consider and approve the United Nations budget and establish the financial assessments of Member States;
Elect the non-permanent members of the Security Council and the members of other United Nations councils and organs and, on the recommendation of the Security Council, appoint the Secretary-General;
Consider and make recommendations on the general principles of cooperation for maintaining international peace and security, including disarmament;
Discuss any question relating to international peace and security and, except where a dispute or situation is currently being discussed by the Security Council, make recommendations on it;
Discuss, with the same exception, and make recommendations on any questions within the scope of the Charter or affecting the powers and functions of any organ of the United Nations;
Initiate studies and make recommendations to promote international political cooperation, the development and codification of international law, the realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and international collaboration in the economic, social, humanitarian, cultural, educational and health fields;
Make recommendations for the peaceful settlement of any situation that might impair friendly relations among nations;
Consider reports from the Security Council and other United Nations organs.
Security Council:
IT has primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security.
It has 15 Members, consisting of 5 permanent members—China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States—and 10 non-permanent members.
Non Permanent seats are held for two-year terms, with member states voted in by the General Assembly on a regional basis
Five permanent members hold veto power over UN resolutions, allowing a permanent member to block adoption of a resolution, though not debate.
The presidency of the Security Council rotates alphabetically each month
The Security Council also recommends to the General Assembly the appointment of the Secretary-General and the admission of new Members to the United Nations.
Together with the General Assembly, it elects the judges of the International Court of Justice.
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) :
It is the principal organ to coordinate the economic, social and related work of the United Nations and the specialized agencies and institutions.
Voting in the Council is by simple majority; each member has one vote.
The president is elected for a one-year term and chosen amongst the small or middle powers represented on ECOSOC.
ECOSOC has 54 members, which are elected by the General Assembly for a three-year term.
Seats on the Council are allotted based on geographical representation with fourteen allocated to African States, eleven to Asian States, six to Eastern European States, ten to Latin American and Caribbean States, and thirteen to Western European and other States.
The work of specialised agencies and programmes of UN like WHO, FAO, UNESCO etc. is coordinated by ECOSOC.
Trusteeship Council :
It was established in 1945 by the UN Charter to provide international supervision for 11 Trust Territories placed under the administration of 7 Member States, and ensure that adequate steps were taken to prepare the Territories for self-government and independence.
By 1994, all Trust Territories had attained self-government or independence. Its work completed, the Council has amended its rules of procedure to meet as and where occasion may require.
The International Court of Justice:
It is the UN’s main judicial organ.
It is located at the Hague in the Netherlands
It settles legal disputes between states and gives advisory opinions to the UN and its specialized agencies. Its Statute is an integral part of the United Nations Charter.
ICJ has 15 judges, who serve 9-year terms; each from a different nation, elected by the General Assembly and Security Council.
The Court settles legal disputes between nations only and not between individuals, in accordance with international law. If a country does not wish to take part in a proceeding it does not have to do so, unless required by special treaty provisions. Once a country accepts the Court’s jurisdiction, it must comply with its decision.
The Court can only hear a dispute when requested to do so by one or more States. It cannot deal with a dispute of its own motion.
Difference between the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC)
The International Court of Justice has no jurisdiction to try individuals accused of war crimes or crimes against humanity. As it is not a criminal court, it does not have a prosecutor able to initiate proceedings.
International Criminal Court set up under the Rome Statute. It was established as an independent international organization in 2002 and is not governed by the UN.
All UN member states are automatically members of the ICC; Nations must individually become members of the ICJ.
The ICJ settles disputes between member states, with their consent, on issues of sovereignty, trade, natural resources, treaty violations, treaty interpretation, and etc.
The ICC tries individual people for genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes of aggression, according to the Rome Statute.
The ICJ issues both binding judgments and advisory opinions. Its judgments may then be enforced by the Security Council if the state fails to comply. The ICC, on the other hand, hands down criminal prosecutions or acquittals.
Secretariat:
It carries out the day-to-day work of the Organization.
It services the other principal organs and carries out tasks as varied as the issues dealt with by the UN: administering peacekeeping operations, surveying economic and social trends, preparing studies on human rights, among others.
It is headed by the Secretary-General, assisted by a staff of international civil servants worldwide.
Secretary-General is appointed by the General Assembly, after being recommended by the Security Council, where the permanent members have veto power.
Successes of the United Nations
The First and foremost it has prevented the occurrence of any further world wars. Instrumental in the maintenance of international balance of power.
It played a Significant role in disarming the world and making it nuclear free. Various treaty negotiations like ‘Partial Test Ban Treaty’ and ‘Nuclear non-proliferation treaty’ have been signed under UN.
Demise of colonialism and imperialism on one hand and apartheid on the other had UN sanctions behind them.
UN Acted as vanguard for the protection of human rights of the people of the world, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948.
Despite crippled by Bretton Woods Institutions, UN has played limited but effective role on economic matters. Supported the North-South dialogue and aspired for emergence of new international economic order.
Agencies of United Nations like WHO, UNICFF, UNESCO have keenly participated in the transformation of the international social sector.
Peace keeping operations, peaceful resolution of disputes and refugee concerns had always been on the list of core issues.
Since 1945, the UN has been credited with negotiating 172 peaceful settlements that have ended regional conflicts.
The world body was also instrumental in institutionalization of international laws and world legal frame work.
Passage of various conventions and declarations on child, women, climate, etc, highlights the extra-political affairs of the otherwise political world body.
It has successfully controlled the situation in Serbia, Yugoslavia and Balkan areas.
A number of peace missions in Africa has done reasonably well to control the situation.
Failures of the United Nations
UN opinion on Hungary and Czechoslovakia were ignored by the erstwhile Soviet Union in 1950s.
Israel had been taking unilateral action through decades in its geographical vicinity and nothing substantial has come out even by September 2010.
No emphatic role in crisis of worst kinds like the Cuban Missile Crisis, Vietnam crisis etc.
UN was nowhere in the picture when the NATO rained bombs over former Yugoslavia.
Uni-polarity and unilateralism has shaken the relevance of the world body. Unilateral action in Iraq was bereft of UN sanction.
Failed to generate a universal consensus to protect the deteriorating world climate, even at Copenhagen in 2009.
Number of nuclear powers in the world has kept on increasing. UN Could not control the horizontal expansion and proliferation of weapons and arms.
Financial dependence on the industrialized nations has at times deviated UN from neutrality and impartiality.
The world body has failed to reflect the democratic aspiration of the world. Without being democratic itself, it talks of democratization of the world.
Aids is crossing regions and boundaries both in spread and intensity.
Domestic situation of near anarchy in Iraq and many regions of Afghanistan, despite on active UN. The US President scheme of withdrawal has not able to bring any specific solutions in the region. In fact, the situation has been further aggravated.
The UN totally exposed in the case of US invasion on Iraq in name for the search weapon of mass destruction. US has withdrawn its combat forces but the law and order and mutual distrust has worsened and at this juncture UN seems to be clueless.
Prelims Questions:
(Q) Which of the following organizations brings out the publication known as ‘World Economic Outlook’?(UPSC 2014)
The International Monetary Fund
The United Nations Development Programme
The World Economic Forum
The World Bank
Solution (a)
(Q) With respect to special safeguard agreements which of the following statement are correct?
WTO’s Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) is a protection measure allowed for developing countries to take contingency restrictions against manufacturing imports that are causing injuries to domestic manufacturers.
At the Doha Ministerial Conference, the developing countries were given a concession to adopt a Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM).
Special safeguard mechanism is available to both developed and developing countries
(a) Only 1
(b) All of the above
(c) Only 1&2
(d) only 2
Solution: d
(Q) Which of the following statements are correct about Trans-pacific Partnership?
The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a trade agreement among twelve Pacific Rim countries signed on 4 February 2016 in Auckland, New Zealand, after seven years of negotiations
The Yarn Forward Rule is a key feature of the TPP. It makes it mandatory to source yarn, fabric and other inputs from any or a combination of TPP partner countries to avail duty preference.
In addition to labour and environmental regulations, intellectual property rights (IPR) protection is a significant component of the TPP negotiations. The IPR standards are even more demanding than those of WTO. This is because most of the standards in the TPP negotiations are to converge to US standards or to the standards of developed markets
The TPP has came into force Since 1st march 2016.
All of the above
1,3&4
1,2&3
1&3
Solution:C
Mains Questions
(Q) Discuss about the Trans-Pacific Partnership and its likes impact on India’s foreign trade.
(Q) Critically analyse how India’s stand on various issues in WTO has changed since 2001 to recent negotiations.
(Q) What do you understand by the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) under WTO negotiations? Critically examine why DDA has been given importance by WTO and its members, also how its outcomes would affect India’s interests.
(Q) Critically analyze the contribution of International Bank of Reconstruction and Development to India’s soci0-economic development.
It is analytically sensible to divide Australia’s links to post-Independence India into four phases:
The first corresponds to the years immediately surrounding Indian Independence when Labour Party was in power in Australia.
The second period is the Menzies Years,
The third may be regared as the post 1971 re-discovery of India and
The last is the current engagement with emerging India. While the first three periods correspond largely to changes of party in power in Australia, the most recently is largely bipartisan.
Phase-I: India’s Independence and Australia
When India became independent in 1947, Australia’s relations with India under labour party, which remained in power until 1949, were close and sympathetic. At India’s invitation, two representatives from Australia participated at the 1947 Asia Relations Conference held in New Delhi.
Reports presented by the two delegates back to the Australian government noted little negativity in the relationship, although the question of restrictions on immigration was raised during the conference.
Phase II: Nehru and Menzies: The Doomed Legacy of a Clash of Dominant Personalities
What emerges in striking fashion from the interpretations of a number of the studies of the first two decades after India’s Independence in 1947 is the argument that relations in those formative years pivoted around the strong personalities of Sir Robert Menzies and Jawaharlal Nehru. Menzies, an anglophile Empire Loyalist, thought India was not yet fit for self rule, he regretted the passing of the White Commonwealth of the 1930s and decried India’s unwillingness to offer loyalty to the Crown in the changed post-colonial Commonwealth.
It was not until India’s border clashes with China in 1962 that the two nations were firmly on the same side of a major international crisis.
A difference in approach to security soon emerged after 1947, while Australia hoped to establish a regional security arrangement which included India, India expressed no interest in the proposal. Australia’s growing alignment with the USA in the emerging Cold War virtually removed any possibility of bilateral defence cooperation. There were several other issues on which the two countries differed including Australia’s Trusteeship position in Papua New-Guinea and the clash between India and Pakistan over the accession of Kashmir.
Phase III: relations 1971-1998 – Silence Punctuated by Occasional Hiccups
In these years, the Australian government has paid considerable attention to India both as a security threat and as a potential trading partner. One of the early manifestations of the ‘renaissance’ of interest was the establishment of the Indian Ocean Center for Peace Studies at the University of Western Australia in 1990.
This may well have been a response to emerging concerns in the late 1980s over the build-up of India’s defence forces, especially the extension of its naval capability. So, too was a pioneering report by the Senate Standing committee of Australia on Foreign Affairs, Defence and trade. Some of the testimony to the committee utilized a distinctly alarmist tone about Indian intentions in the Indian Ocean. The National Council of the Australian
Defence Association for example, in their submission to the Committee expressed their fears that India might use its new naval capabilities to annex Australian territory in Cocos Islands.
Another ‘hiccup’ in the India-Australia relationship also arose in the sphere of Defence when in 1990 Australia sold 50 mothballed Mirage III jets to Pakistan during a period of heightened tension over Kashmir.
Whereas, India’s neglect of the Australian relationship can most usefully be seen as part of its broader neglect of its relationship with Asia in the years before the adoption of the ‘Look East’ policy. The collapse of the principal structure of Indian Foreign Policy which followed the implosion of Soviet Union in 1989 led the country to give serious attention to its relationships with the countries of Southeast Asia and North Asia.
Phase IV: Nuclear Bombs and Terrorist Threats
The India-Australian relationship that had shown a degree of warmth in the 1990s with the publication of several reports containing recommendations for further strengthening the relationship dipped fast in the wake of India’s nuclear testing in May 1998.
Prime Minister John Howard condemned it saying it was an ‘ill-judged step’ that would have damaging consequences for security in South Asia. Canberra also withdrew its High Commissioner from New Delhi and imposed severe sanctions on India along with severing all defence ties with the country.
With the US attitude softening towards India, especially as the US President Bill Clinton visited India in March 2000, Canberra also began to warm up to New Delhi. As the reality that India was a nuclear power state hit the world and Canberra, politico/security ties began to be restored slowly and upgraded vastly in post 9/11 security environment.
In post 9/11 environment, a Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in Combating International Terrorism was signed in August 2003 followed by a Memorandum of Understanding on Defence Cooperation in 2006.
In the recent past, the Navy of Australia along with Japanese Navy had also been invited to participate in Malabar Exercises conducted between Indian and US Navy.
Immigration Issue and Indian Diaspora
The past decade has seen a large increase in Indian migration to Australia. In 2011-12 only, 29,018 Indians became permanent migrants, the highest such number from any one country. Fellow democracies with shared values, concerns and interests and now a growing community-centric relationship, India and Australia should have strong similarities. As flanking states in the eastern Indian Ocean, for example, they are critical to an emerging arena of geopolitics.
Students from India are pursuing undergraduate/post-graduate studies, research and special courses at all leading universities, including University of Melbourne, Monash University, RMIT University, La Trobe University, Swinburne University Victoria University and Deakin University.
Indian students are also undertaking courses at different vocational training institutes and colleges in a range of areas, including accountancy, finance, community service, child care and aged care, etc.
The number of immigrants in Australia from India remained small until the middle of the 20th century when the aftermath of the Second World War and India’s Independence resulted in a spate of immigration of nonethnic India-born British and Anglo-Indians.
Since 1966, the relaxation of racially based immigration policies in favour of educational and professional qualifications and the English language opened the doors for many professional ethnic Indians as well as migrants of ethnic Indian background from many countries outside India, like Fiji, Singapore, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, South Africa and Britain.
Compared to migrants from other Asian countries, the India-born migrants have remained a distinctive group, forming the largest proportion of ‘skilled migrants’ rather than ‘family migrants’. Unlike the 19th century settlers, later migrants are a highly urbanized group, occupying one of the highest levels of educational training and qualifications of any group in Australia.
Economic Relationship
Trade between Australia and India dates back to late 18th century and early 19th century When coal from Sydney and horses from New South Wales were exported to India. As of 2010, bilateral trade between the two countries totaled US$ 18.7 billion, having grown from US4.3 billion in 2003. This is expected to rise to touch the mark of US$40 billion by end of year 2016.
Trade is highly skewed towards Australia. India is Australia’s tenth largest two-way trading partner, with a total volume of AUD$11.9 billion in 2013. India is Australia’s fifth largest export market, with coal, gold, copper ore and concentrates and agricultural products among Australia’s major exports, while India’s chief exports are pearls, precious and semi-precious stones, textiles and clothing. Over 97,000 Indian students enrolled in Australia in 2008, representing an education export of AUD2 billion.
Issue of Nuclear Cooperation
Supply of uranium to India has become a huge political issue in the Australia-India bilateral relationship. After a civilian nuclear technology deal signed between the United States and India in 2006, pressure on Australia to consider supplying uranium to India grew from different quarters, but most notably from India.
Then Prime Minister John Howard resisted the pressure by asserting that Australia’s policy was not to supply the yellow cake to a country that has not signed the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
Some commentators criticised Australia’s hypocritical approach to the issue. They ask how Australia justifies its policy of exporting uranium to China which, though it is a signatory to the NPT, is a known proliferator as Beijing has reportedly supplied nuclear technology and materials to North Korea and Pakistan, states run by autocrats and military dictators, and has nuclear ties with Iran.
On the other hand India claims it has never proliferated nuclear weapons or technology to a third party despite not signing the treaty due to its discriminatory nature.
Providing access to Communist China and withholding such access to India, the world’s largest democracy does not go down very well among many commentators and officials in India.
Under pressure Howard later changed his tune by accepting that India’s behaviour as a nuclear weapons state had been ‘impeccable; since the country first exploded a nuclear device in 1974’. In August 2007 he announced that Australia was willing to sell uranium to India under strict conditions and Howard communicated his decision to his Indian counterpart.
The agreement would have allowed Australian nuclear inspectors to ensure that the uranium was used only for the power generation purposes. Then in Opposition, Kevin Rudd had vowed to “tear up” any nuclear deal with India if he won government.
Soon after it came to power, the Rudd Labor government reversed Howard’s decision and announced in January 2008 that Australia would scrap the deal that was signed by the Howard government in August 2007 concerning the sale of uranium to India on the grounds that India was not a signatory to the NPT, reverting to Australia’s long-held stance on the issue.
The volte-face by the Rudd administration on the sale of uranium to India came as a significant blow to India’s energy security needs especially as Australia holds the world’s largest known reserves of uranium, approximately 40% of the total worldwide supplies.
It is not just the Indian strategists who have criticized Rudd’s reversal of Howard’s policy on legal, political, strategic and pragmatic grounds but in Australia, too, politicians on the opposite side in federal parliament have ridiculed Rudd’s reversal policy.
Finally the issue settled only in late 2011 when Prime Minister Julia Gillard overcame opposition from domestic anti-nuclear lobbies and agreed to sell uranium to India.
Present Context
The recent visit by an Indian Prime Minister, after a gap of nearly 30 years (Rajiv Gandhi in 1986), for the G20 Summit in Brisbane, and then his travel to Canberra for an official bilateral visit comes at a critical time for both countries – when strategic equations are being redrawn, creating new Asian security dynamics.
There was a palpable excitement in India when Prime Minister Narendra Modi jetted off to attend the G-20 summit at Brisbane. This was partly because of the announcement that the PM would be embarking on a bilateral tour of Australia at the completion of the meeting of world leaders, and that he would be addressing the Indian Diaspora in Sydney the very next day, in what was a much anticipated recreation of the Madison Square Garden moment in New York. With only one difference, this time, the gathering of Indian Diaspora was expected to be much more than that was witnessed in Madison Square.
Other than this, a number of issues came up for discussion, but one that topped the strategic agenda was “maritime security.” Ever since Canberra officially declared its interests in the Indian Ocean last year, there has been speculation in the strategic community about an evolving maritime coalition in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Indeed, Australia has in recent years sought to strengthen its nautical posture in the Indian Ocean, reviving its ties with regional states. It is, however, the vigorous pursuit of its relationship with India that has provided evidence of Canberra’s desire to play a larger security role in the IOR, which this time got well promoted by the personal chemistry of the two Prime Ministers.
In spite of these expected developments, what came out to be most important point of this foreign visit was, the announcement of the next logical step to India’s famous ‘Look East’ Policy, i.e., the ‘Act East’ Policy (a more action oriented strategy, aimed to bolster cooperation with ASEAN in specific and East Asia in General).
The Prime Minister announced this Policy at the East Asia Summit held in the Myanmarese Capital city of Nay Pyi Taw. “Look East” was introduced in the early 1990s by Sri PV Narasimha Rao. It was endorsed by former Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh.
Act East:
There has been a serious criticism that India has only been ‘looking’ eastwards, but not pursuing a comprehensive strategy towards Southeast Asian countries, and the ASEAN.
Today, there is a conscious effort by the foreign ministry not only to ‘look east’, but also to ‘act east’ i.e., to create a more action oriented strategy in harnessing the fruit of development by engaging with East Asia.
Therefore, India’s bilateral relations with specific countries in Southeast Asia, and its interaction with the ASEAN; along with multiple other regional organisations and initiatives including the ARF and the EAS, highlight its ‘act east’ strategy.
Along with India moving into Southeast Asia, New Delhi should also take serious measures in bringing the countries east of India close to India – within the prism of economic, cultural, and societal fields
On economic and trade relations, not all countries to India’s east will have an interest or sufficient capacity to invest in the country but specific nations could be identified, and efforts could be made to attract investment from them. This investment need not necessarily be directly in context of the economic field, but could also cover other sectors such as education and tourism. While Japan, Korea, and Singapore may have adequate resources to invest economically in India, countries like Australia can be approached to invest in education and other sectors.
New Delhi should also approach other countries in Southeast Asia and East Asia to come to India; historical linkages, tourism, and religion can play a crucial role in attracting some of the countries in the east, starting from Myanmar including Thailand, Indonesia, and Cambodia. An example will be the huge asymmetry between India and Thailand, or India and Cambodia in terms of movement of people.
Comment
Since the end of the Cold War, the India-Australia relationship has had several false starts. Maritime cooperation was being discussed in even the early 1990s but accidents intervened – Canberra’s overstated response to the Indian nuclear tests of 1998; a decade later, the clumsy dismantling of the Quadrilateral (the fledgling partnership between the two countries and the United States and Japan); the uranium issue, settled only in late 2011 when Prime Minister Julia Gillard overcame opposition from domestic anti-nuclear lobbies and agreed to sell uranium to India.
Both countries need to be watchful, lest this history becomes an all-purpose excuse for not showing diplomatic urgency. Neither should problematic episodes become triggers for extreme interpretation. For example, it would be unfair if the legal quagmire and payment delays, Australian contractors have faced, often for no fault of their own, following the 2010 Commonwealth Games in New Delhi were to influence the entirety of Australian business perception of opportunities in India.
For Australia, the Indian establishment’s dexterity with the English language has been appealing but also misleading. “In the view of some Australian scholars of India,” a Australia-India Taskforce report says, “the elite’s fluency in English has acted as a barrier to deeper Australian familiarity with the country, creating the illusion that understanding Indian languages and culture – unlike their Indonesian, Japanese and Chinese equivalents – is unnecessary”.
Likewise, the street violence against Indian students in Melbourne and other cities in 2009-10 was deplorable but cannot take away from the fact that Australia remains a welcoming home for thousands of Indian migrants. Authorities in Australia have responded by cracking down on dubious educational institutions, and facilitating those students genuinely seeking education.
From India’s energy security to its food security, intelligence sharing on terrorism to joint exercises of Special Forces, naval and anti-piracy coordination to constructing a new architecture for the Indo-Pacific (the confluence of the eastern Indian Ocean and the western Pacific), the canvas for Canberra and New Delhi is vast. It awaits an overarching doctrine for India’s Australasia thrust, and political ownership in New Delhi of such a doctrine.
India- Australia nuclear deal
India and Australia signed the civil nuclear deal in September 2014.
India and Australia announced completion of procedures for India Australia Civil Nuclear Agreement. With the completion of procedures, including administrative arrangements, the India Australia Civil Nuclear Agreement will enter into force.
With this move, India becomes the first country to buy Australian uranium without being a signatory to the international nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT).
The deal underlines the deepening strategic ties with Australia.
Australia has about 40 per cent of the world’s uranium reserves and exports nearly 7,000 tonnes of yellow cake annually.
Trade
The bilateral trade between India and Australia, estimated at $15 billion.
To strengthen bilateral trade and investment, both counties agreed to conclude a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CEPA) by the end of the year.
Australia is pushing for tariff reduction in dairy products, fresh fruit, pharmaceuticals and wines. India wants zero duty on automobile parts, textiles and fresh fruit. India has also demanded greater access in the services sector.
Defence relation
India –Australia both borders the Indian Ocean and has a shared interest in the maintenance of freedom of navigation and trade.
Australia recognises India’s critical role in supporting security, stability and prosperity of the Indian Ocean region.
Australia and India are committed to working together to enhance maritime cooperation, first formal
bilateral naval exercise (AUSINDEX) held off the coast of Visakhapatnam in 2015.
People-to-people links through personnel and training exchanges have proved vital to building familiarity between our defence forces.
Multilateral Cooperation
India and Australia cooperate in various multilateral fora. Australia supports India’s candidature for a
permanent seat in an expanded UN Security Council.
Both India and Australia are members of the Commonwealth, IOR-ARC, the ASEAN Regional Forum, the East Asia Summit and the Asia-Pacific partnership on climate and clean development. In 2008, Australia became an observer in the SAARC.
INDIA AND NEW ZEALAND
President Pranab Mukherjee paid his first official visit to New Zealand. Mr. Mukherjee’s is the first ever presidential visit from India to New Zealand.
Outcome of visit
President talked about cooperation in agriculture, dairy, food processing, education and skill development as well as high technology between the two countries.
During the course of the visit, India and New Zealand also signed a deal that opens the door for direct flights between the two countries with an aim to boost tourism and trade sectors.
Significance of New Zealand
Trade: Bilateral trade between India and New Zealand stood at $ 885 million in 2015, of which Indian exports accounted for $ 429 million in 2015. There is ample scope to enhance bilateral trade. Both countries are in process to finalize free trade agreement (FTA).
Indian diaspora: New Zealand is home to more than 170,000 people of Indian origin.
Opportunity for skilled migrants from India who can contribute to New Zealand’s economy
Higher education: Indian students constitute the second largest number of foreign students in New Zealand.
New Zealand supports India’s aspirations for permanent membership of the UN Security Council.
New Zealand has great technological abilities in cold storage supply chain management and post—harvest technologies, which are of interest to India.
Two nations have “shared stakes” in a peaceful Asia-Pacific region and can successfully work as partners in promoting security and stability there.
New Zealand is important country for India’s ‘Act East’ policy.
New Zealand has strong influence of the Pacific Island countries
India and Pacific Islands
What are Pacific Island Nations (PINs)?
These are 14 island countries in Pacific Ocean – Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu
Source: Wikipedia
These countries range in land area from the largest Papua New Guinea (461,700 sq km) to the smallest Nauru (21 sq km)
The size of their population ranges from Papua New Guinea (7.7 million) to Niue (1,500)
Development indicators also vary widely with per capita income ranging from USD 27,340 (Cook Islands) to USD 1020 (Papua New Guinea)
Why study about PINs?
On August 21, 2015 India hosted the second edition of Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC) summit in Jaipur
All the 14 nations of the group participated in the summit
So obviously, this becomes an important topic for exam and you cannot ignore this as an unimportant grouping
Importance of the Pacific area:
Though these countries are relatively small in land area and distant from India, many have large exclusive economic zones (EEZs), and offer promising possibilities for fruitful cooperation
The Pacific Ocean is the earth’s largest ocean covering 46% of water surface and 33% of the earth’s total surface, making it larger than the entire earth’s land area
It is bounded by 41 sovereign states plus Taiwan, and 22 non-independent territories
It is rich in marine resources and accounts for 71% of the world’s ocean fishery catch
The Pacific has for long been an area of geostrategic interest for countries such as the US, Japan, China, Russia, Australia, and Indonesia – large economies which lie on its boundary
Two developed Pacific Island countries – Australia and New Zealand – have tended to dominate regional cooperation forums such as the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF)
Issues with PINs:
They are dispersed and low populated countries
They have logistics problems to develop their economies
Less manufacturing activity
With climate change and global warming, these countries fear of being drowned or disappeared
Their natural resources are being depleted day-by-day – sugar, timber etc.
India used to import phosphates from the Nauru Island, which is now being depleted
Problems in sugar market due to global vagaries
External influences:
#1. Australia: These countries are highly influenced by Australia due to its close proximity – for example, Australia helping the development of natural gas of Papua New Guinea etc.
#2. China
China has significantly expanded its foothold in the region, from increasing business and trade ties to setting up diplomatic missions in each of these countries
More than 3,000 Chinese companies are already operating in these Island groups in various businesses.
China is now the largest bilateral donor in Fiji and the second largest in the Cook Islands, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, and Tonga
Last year, China provided around $2 billion credit to these nations collectively 6 out of 14 Pacific Islands recognize Taiwan as a legitimate govt of China
Taiwan is already holding annual meet with these countries to engage them
#3. These island groups are forming partnerships with EU and other economic groupings
Where can India engage?
#1. UNSC: These 14 nations are supporting India’s attempts to become permanent member of UNSC
#2. Agriculture:
These are agriculture oriented economies
Major products- palm oil, sugar, and timber
We can do value addition to their products- copra, sugar, timber
They are diversifying in oil production and we are short on edible oil so this is a major area to work on
India can make use of the mahogany (timber) that is extensively grown in these islands, for getting raw materials for paper industry
#3. Minerals:
These islands have plenty of oil, gas, and minerals in their sea beds
For example, the Kiribati islands, they are spread over an area that is bigger than the Indian subcontinent and have rich sources of minerals
India can form joint ventures and explore these minerals
#4. Disaster Management: These islands are frequently affected by natural disasters like typhoons, earthquakes etc. India can help them in disaster management
#5. Services sector:
The other biggest potential area which India can leverage from these islands is the development of services sector – IT, tourism, healthcare and fisheries
We can explore tourism options to these isolated beautiful spots
Tourism also has an advantage from the fact that there are large number of ethnic Indians in these islands
Many of these countries send their nationals to India for education though programmes sponsored by the Indian Council of Cultural Relations
#6. Energy:
India is developing renewable energy and has set a target of 175 GW by 2022. It can help the Pacific Islands in this area and provide energy security
We can transplant our experience of A&N islands in establishing isolated energy grids in these countries
There has been lot of tree cutting for industrialisation and they are using more diesel for power. We can help them by providing assistance in renewable energy
#7. Democracy:
In the past, these pacific islands have faced a threat to democracy
For example- there was a coup in Fiji which overthrew the democratically elected government, there was a civil war in Papua New Guinea
In this context, India can serve as a stable and solid partner, as it is one of the largest democracies in the world, so that these islands can have an assured trade and investment relations.
#8. Ethnicity:
Unlike other proximate countries like Australia, India has intimate relations, going beyond exploration of natural resources, with these nations
Culturally they are linked to India. For example, Fiji has huge number of Indian ethnic population
We should leverage this advantage to engage & establish more intimate relations
#9. Climate Change: India should fight for their cause in the coming UN Climate Change meetings & should see to it that these islands get enough finances for disaster mitigation
#10. The Pacific Island groups have enthusiastically welcomed India’s offer in telemedicine, tele-education, space cooperation, fostering democracy and community activities
#11. These countries are in need of MSME and we have good experience in developing them
FIPIC:
The Forum for India–Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC) was launched during PM’s visit to Fiji in November 2014
Source: Wikipedia
FIPIC includes 14 of the island countries – Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu
Why FIPIC?
Though these countries are relatively small in land area and distant from India, many have large exclusive economic zones (EEZs), and offer promising possibilities for fruitful cooperation.
India’s focus has largely been on the Indian Ocean where it has sought to play a major role and protect its strategic and commercial interests
The FIPIC initiative marks a serious effort to expand India’s engagement in the Pacific region
At this moment, total annual trade of about $300 million between the Indian and Pacific Island countries, where exports are around $200 million and imports are around $100 million
This is a part of India’s extended Act East Policy
Summits:
#1. Suva, Fiji:
One of the key outcome of the first summit in Suva, Fiji was that top leadership of both India and Pacific Islands decided to meet at a regular interval and an annual summit was instituted in this regard
Other areas- visa on arrival for their nationals, funds for small business, line of credit for a co-generation power plant for Fiji, and a special adaptation fund for technical assistance and capacity building for countering global warming
#2. Jaipur, India:
Source: Economic Times
India announced to convene international conference on blue economy in New Delhi in 2016 and invited all the experts form the island nations
Set up Space Application Center, in partnership with ISRO, in any of the 14 countries and friendly port calls by the Indian Navy
Pacific leaders have expressed their concerns over climate change and its effect on their respective counties. India also assured them to voice their concerns and appropriate measures at the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 21) in Paris
In return all the 14 visiting head of state/government reiterated their support to India’s bid for a permanent memberships at the reformed United Nations Security Council
India offered to help the Pacific Islands with their hydrography and coastal surveillance, by engaging the Indian Navy. It would help them have a better understanding of their maritime zone and strengthen security of their EEZs
India also announced FIPIC Trade Office at Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FICCI) to promote Trade & Investment opportunities between India & Pacific Island Countries
Way ahead:
China is already on there and giving large credit, so does it mean India can not build good relations with these nations? No
We need to build on our advantages- health tourism, building democratic institutions which they need a lot
India’s strong relations with Fiji, which has considerable influence in the region, is a strong point which could help counter the growing Chinese influence
Relations with Fiji had improved in India’s favour in the past decade and not only those of Indian origin but also Fijians were friendly towards Indians, which worked to Indian advantage
Most of the economies in the region are based on agriculture, fisheries and small-scale industries and India’s capacity in these sectors is even better than Europe and China
President visit to Papua New Guinea
President Pranab Mukherjee paid first official visit to Papua New Guinea. This was the first ever visit by an Indian Head of State since India established diplomatic ties with the country in 1975.
Highlights of the President visit
India and Papua New Guinea signed four Memorandum of Understanding (MoU)s in the areas of agriculture, health, information technology and infrastructure.
India agreed to provide a line of credit of $100 million to Papua New Guinea for infrastructure projects and signed a pact to set up a ‘Centre of Excellence’ in information technology.
India is looking to explore and develop Papua New Guinea’s vast oil and gas resources through joint ventures and investments.
Papua New Guinea reiterated its support for India’s claim for permanent membership in the UN Security Council and agreed to expedite a proposed Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (IPPA) to facilitate investments. It announced visa-on-arrival facility for Indian tourists.
FIPIC, the Forum for the India-Pacific Islands Cooperation, a multilateral forum launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in November 2014.
India considers its cooperation with the islands of the Pacific to be a key component of ‘Act East’ policy’.
INDIAN OCEAN REGION
INDIA-INDIAN OCEAN REGION (IOR)
The Indian Ocean covers at least one fifth of the world’s total ocean area and is bounded by Africa and the Arabian Peninsula (known as the western Indian Ocean), India’s coastal waters (the central Indian Ocean), and the Bay of Bengal near Myanmar and Indonesia (the eastern Indian Ocean).
It provides critical sea trade routes that connect the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia with the broader Asian continent to the east and Europe to the west.
A number of the world’s most important strategic chokepoints, including the Straits of Hormuz and Malacca.
MARITIME SECURITY AND CHALLENGES IN
THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION
‘Terrorism and piracy’, these two headings have taken centre stage particularly due to the impact on mercantile marine trade that is coming under increased pressure as they traverse through high risk areas.
There is enhanced awareness that Indian Ocean is the focus of the world due to the growing of economies and the dependence of these economies on the sea routes for development and security. So when the security challenges in the Indian Ocean is discussed issues of security which are distinctly different from the conventional security mould has to be discussed. The reference is to do with fisheries and livelihood security, environmental security, search and rescue, marine pollution and other such non glamorous issues.
The Pivot to Asia – US Policy Shift
The recalibration of the US policy which has orchestrated a policy of pivot to Asia has its own ramifications in the region.
With the rise of China and its increased assertiveness, US appears to be engaging with Asian countries in all spheres. In addition to the traditional partners in the Asia Pacific, namely, Japan, South Korea, Phillippines, Australia, New Zealand and other countries, there has been greater engagement in South Asia particularly with India.
If Pakistan despite all the differences is still considered a reluctant tactical ally in the war against Taliban in Afghanistan, India is being looked at as an important future strategic partner with enhanced interaction in many spheres, notably in defence and energy security.
South China Sea- Issues of Mistrust and CBM- ASEAN
The east west traffic that passes from the South China Sea to the Indian Ocean and vice-versa must pass through the Straits of Malacca till alternate routes are proven. The spin offs of this aggressive posturing will see the ripple effects in the Indian Ocean which provides the linkages to forces that may be interested in accessing the hot spots through the Malacca Straits. From the point of China, as a nation which carries most of its goods on its own shipping fleet, it would be definitely concerned about and security of its vessels which are moving through the Indian Ocean.
Growing Economies in the Region and their Interplay
The increased economic engagement has provided capable and strong economies such as China to increase their share of investments in various mega projects and infrastructure in many countries around the world in general and the Asia Pacific in particular.
The classic examples are about China’s investment in Gwadar in Pakistan, Hambanthota in Sri Lanka, Sitwe in Myanmar, and Chittagong in Bangladesh. While the initial intent is economic engagement; it is clear that such investments are not purely commercial. China in return will expect to be supported in its hour of need to turn round and logistically support its naval units which have increased interest in the Indian Ocean Region.
The challenge for South Asia and particularly India is to mange this Chinese advances in to the Indian Ocean and prepare for surprises.
Tsunami
After the devastating effect of tsunami in India and our neighbourhood, India and others have initiated various measures for setting up warning systems and also to have mechanisms for disaster management.
The Tsunami last year in Japan has only brought out the vulnerability of the total system when faced with natural disasters of the magnitude faced at that time coupled with human/technical failures. The need therefore is for drawing up robust contingency plans and to bring in all the players from the region that would earmark units and rehearse their role at national and regional levels during both man-made and natural catastrophe. This will constitute a greater challenge in times of calamity due to cultural, linguistic and procedural differences.
Piracy off the Coast of Somalia
The incidents of piracy went up phenomenally between 2008 and 2011 by adventurous pirates, supported and backed by land based sophisticated teams that are running the enterprise on a business model.
The estimated cost of piracy is in the region of 7 to 11 billion of US dollars annually. Due to sustained efforts by the navies of the world and other deterrent actions by ships, the first half of 2012 has seen a noticeable dip in the number of attacks and has also brought down the number of sea farers held hostage.
However, the world has not seen the end of piracy and sustained efforts are still necessary. A lot more effort is needed in Somalia where the root causes lie. The bearing on the Indian Ocean Region is the increased presence of extra regional players who are present in large numbers. This has facilitated coordinated action by some of the western navies though; there are still a large number of navies who are operating independently in a loose structure.
The initiative to get China, India, South Korea and Japan to work together is a welcome sign that will enable the navies of the Asia Pacific to work together and learn to operate together.
Neighbourhood Issues and Terrorism
The challenges of preparing for preventing acts of maritime terrorist activity have become acute following the Mumbai terror attacks in November 2008. The seaborne terrorists who landed in Mumbai killed over 166 innocent civilians including foreigners.
A slew of measures implemented include placing the Navy at the apex of the maritime security architecture, commissioning of the National Automatic Identification System (NAIS), use of light houses for fitting radars to provide seamless information to the Joint operation rooms, equipping and training the fishermen to be the eyes and ears of the fleet, establishing of Vessel Traffic Management Systems, installation of Long Range Identification and Tracking (LRIT) radars, revamping of the intelligence apparatus to bring about greater degree of coordination amongst the multiple agencies operating in the same medium, The commissioning of the National Intelligence Agency to investigate and prevent acts of terrorism, the setting up of regional hubs for National Special Group of commandos, setting up of the National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO), creation of two new CG commands in Gujrat and West Bengal, commissioning of new Coast Guard Stations and Coastal Security Groups manned by the State Maritime Police, induction of additional Air Cushion Vehicles for the Coast Guards, commissioning of additional naval stations in the island groups on both flanks, conducting of regular table top and real time exercises including all the stake holders and such other measures.
Despite the initiation of all the above measures, there is still a lot to be done to have a robust maritime security architecture that will prevent surprises at sea by proactive action and cooperation with other agencies.
Energy Routes – SLOC Vulnerability; Malacca Straits/Straits of Hormuz dependence
The growing economies depend on the seas for getting coal, oil, gas and other energy products to sustain their economies. This also brings in the threat of these vessels and products being targeted by both pirates and Non State Actors.
The example of China, India, Australia, Malaysia, Japan, South Korea and others from the region who have dispatched warships to protect the international shipping operating in the global commons is a clear indication that the security challenges would grow manifold.
The close proximity of ships from different nations also needs to be managed by a sound architecture that does not allow mistakes and misunderstandings during normal patrol missions. The challenge therefore is for establishing clear cut operating procedures, protocols and communication methods to prevent incidents while engagement in peace time missions becomes critical.
The Straits of Hormuz and the Red Sea on the west and the Malacca Straits on the east of India are critical arteries that facilitate the free flow of goods both ways. With the constant increase in the number of vessels going up each year issues of traffic separation, monitoring the traffic for both safety and security would engage the attention of the planners.
There would be greater use of technology to facilitate establishing of CISR architecture. There are issues of financing and funding of such means and methods for protection of the globally common issues. The Straits of Hormuz is on boil with the increased presence of US ships and the threat of an all out war with Iran.
In the past, Iran has threatened to close down the Strait of Hormuz and has challenged US as a result of the spat over the nuclearisation of Iran. Any such action by Iran will precipitate stern action by US and its allies and will lead to a war in the Straits that supports global traffic.
The resultant inevitable disruption of the transportation chain will have serious ramifications for the countries that are dependent on the supply of products through the Straits of Hormuz.
Fisheries and Livelihood Issues
The period after the defeat of the LTTE has seen increased incidence of the Indian fishermen coming in to conflict with their counterparts in Sri Lanka and also with the SL Navy. There have been allegations and counter allegations about use of excessive force and even fire arms to prevent fishermen from poaching.
From the Indian fishermen point of view, historically, the contested waters belonged to India and they have every right to fish in the traditional waters. Having demarcated the maritime boundary with Sri Lanka in 1974, wherein, Kacchativu was gifted to Sri Lanka, the Indian fishermen have been debarred from fishing around that rich fishing grounds around that Island leading to skirmishes and incidents.
It is not that only Indian fishermen are guilty of tresspassing, the Indian Ocean has witnessed intrusions by fishermen of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thailand, Myanmar and Sri Lanka who do cross in to each other’s territory while looking for fish. This will remain a great challenge with security overtones.
With dwindling stocks, and irresponsible fishing in different parts of the world, conflicts and clashes would be the order of the day and there is a need to resolve this by bilateral agreements and joint monitoring of the areas allocated for fishing.
The Coast Guards or their counter parts in this part of the world will need to work out modalities to ensure that the situation does not go out of hand. The establishing of a hot line some years ago between the Coast Guard Headquarter in India and the Maritime Security Agency in Pakistan has helped in ensuring that the fishermen are not detained unnecessarily in the garb of security. Similar arrangements are required with other maritime neighbours.
Environmental Security
With some of the recent incidents of collision and grounding particularly off Mumbai, the fragile fishing grounds and Indian coast line has been exposed to the dangers of increased unmonitored coastal traffic and the resultant effects.
The absence of credible interfaced technology to monitor, regulate and control the movement of vessels of all size has remained an area of concern for maritime security agencies, ports, Law Enforcement agencies and other stake holders.
Also, the much touted word Maritime Domain Awareness is here to stay but there is lot more that needs to be done to achieve even minimum levels of MDA which is critical to deterrent operations at sea.
Role of India
The Indian Navy played a pivotal role in containing piracy on the high seas and is positioning itself as the “net security provider” in the broader Indian Ocean region with capacity building, joint exercises and increased multilateral exchanges.
India has been reaching out to the smaller Indian Ocean island nations through various Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) exercises.
Domain Awareness (MDA) exercises includes :
Search and Rescue (SAR) support.
Oil pollution response exercises.
Assistance in legal matters.
Indian navy has supported countries in Indian Ocean region (IOR) such as Sri Lanka, Mauritius, Maldives and Seychelles with training, hydrographic surveys, surveillance operations and counter-terror patrols.
India and China are locked in efforts to widen their respective spheres of influence in the strategically vital Indian Ocean.
Given that the Indian Ocean channels carry two-thirds of the world’s oil shipments, a third of the bulk cargo and half of all container traffic, the region’s strategic significance is unquestionable. Also to counter china’s presence in Indian Ocean require strategic relation with our extended neighbourhood.
PRIME MINISTER VISIT OF INDIA OCEAN COUNTRIES
PM visited Indian Ocean counties to enhance economic and security cooperation. This highlights the renewed focus by India to take lead role in the region. China has in recent times made significant investment in infrastructure projects in these nations causing concern.
India’s role as the “net security provider” in the Indian Ocean region received a major boost when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited three India Ocean nations of Seychelles, Mauritius and Sri Lanka.
India invited Seychelles and Mauritius to join the existing maritime security cooperation arrangement among India, the Maldives and Sri Lanka.
India seeks a future for Indian Ocean that lives up to the name of ‘SAGAR – Security and Growth for All in the Region’.
India is helping Indian Ocean littorals as part of capacity and capability enhancement in strengthening their maritime domain awareness capabilities.
Mr. Modi said those who lived in the region had the primary responsibility for peace, stability and prosperity in the Indian Ocean.
Mr. Modi said that our goal is to seek a climate of trust and transparency; respect for international maritime rules and norms by all countries; sensitivity to each other’s interests; peaceful resolution of maritime security issues; and increase in maritime cooperation.
India and Mauritius relations
India and Mauritius share unique bonds based on our shared cultural heritage and traditions. Indo-Mauritians form about 70% of the country’s population. Mauritius celebrates its National Day on March 12 as a mark of respect to Mahatma Gandhi, who began his Dandi march on this day in 1930.
India has extended a $500-million Line of Credit for development or security projects that Mauritius will decide on.
Mauritius has a vast 2.3 million sq km of Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).
An India-built naval patrol vessel ‘Barracuda’ for Mauritius was commissioned by Prime Minister Narendra Modi who said it will make the Indian Ocean “more safer and secure.”
Mauritius by virtue of its strategic location is recognised as a hub of maritime activities in Indian Ocean. The induction of coastal patrol vessel was yet another step for better control of its large assets besides helping in policing transnational crimes like piracy and bridging the communication gaps among its various islands.
India and Seychelles relations
Prime Minister became the first Indian PM to visit Seychelles after 34 years. Seychelles is one of the largest recipients of Indian assistance in this area.
The close relationship between the two countries is based on the twin planks of maritime security and development cooperation.
India has been involved with Seychelles in helping bolster its need for maritime security as it has a large Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of 1.3 million square kilometers.
Development cooperation encompasses capacity building where more than one percent of the Seychelles’ population is trained under ITEC, provision of patrol vessels, hydrographic surveys etc besides cooperation in counter piracy and counter terrorism in high seas, which is critical for India’s extended maritime security as well.
There is a tradition of bilateral development cooperation in health, science & technology, renewable energy, providing advisors in critical areas and in bilateral exercises.
Seychelles is a part of the Pan African e-Network project between India and the African Union.
Why is Seychelles Important for India?
India is trying to influence Indian Ocean Region by extending economic, military and diplomatic cooperation and through strategic partnership.
From 2005, India has embarked upon a policy to engage four western Indian Ocean island nations and Seychelles forms a crucial part of it.
Apart from its strategic location on international sea lanes of communication, Seychelles is a leader among SIDS group (Small Island Developing States) which has multifold areas of convergence with India.
It is a leader in advancing the concept of ‘blue economy’, which covers huge panoply of aspects like environment, hydrocarbons, marine economy, renewable energy and exploration of continental shelf.
Defence cooperation
India secured a pact to develop infrastructure of Assumption Island in Seychelles, which gives a strong boost to this partnership. Spread over 11 sq.kms, it is strategically located in the Indian Ocean, north of Madagascar
Exercise Lamitye- 2016: The Seventh Joint Military Training Exercise between the Indian Army and the Seychelles People’s Defence Forces (SPDF) – LAMITYE 2016 was conducted at Seychelles Defence Academy(SDA), Victoria.
Navy’s aircraft on mission in Seychelles: Indian navy has for the first time deployed maritime reconnaissance aircraft to Seychelles for surveillance of the island nation’s Exclusive Economic Zone.
China’s Indian Ocean strategy: Implications for India
The Chinese maneuvering in the Indian Ocean — part of China’s larger plan to project power in the Middle East, Africa and Europe — aims to challenge America’s sway and chip away at India’s natural-geographic advantage. Here is a look at china’s policy in the Indian Ocean and how does it have implication on Indian interests in the region?
Introduction
The Indian Ocean is the world’s third largest body of water and has become a growing area of competition between China and India.
The two regional powers’ moves to exert influence in the ocean include deep-water port development in littoral states and military patrols. Though experts say the probability of military conflict between China and India remains low, escalated activities (such as port development and military exercises) and rhetoric could endanger stability in a critical region for global trade flows.
Importance of Indian Ocean
Indian Ocean Region is important for the various reasons. Following are few important reasons:
Trade-Indian Ocean contains the trade route to Africa, Europe, West Asia, Central Asia, ASEAN and Australia.
Energy Security- 70% of India’s oil import comes from West Asia. It is important trade route for energy access.
More than half the world’s armed conflicts are presently located in the Indian Ocean region, while the waters are also home to continually evolving strategic developments including the competing rises of China and India, potential nuclear confrontation between India and Pakistan, the US interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan, Islamist terrorism, growing incidence of piracy in and around the Horn of Africa, and management of diminishing fishery resources.
Poly metallic nodules at Ocean floor provide vital metals extraction sources from ocean.
Importance of Indian Ocean to India:
7,500km coastline linking India to Indian Ocean.
80% of India’s trade is through Sea route passes through Indian Ocean.
85% of oil and gas imported comes through Indian Ocean into the country.
Fishing and tourism depends on it due to huge marine re-courses it spreads prosperity in coastal plains of India.
Vital for managing better relation with neighbours like Vietnam, , Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Sri-Lanka, Maldives, Seychelles, Mauritius, Iran, etc.
China’s policy in Indian Ocean
China’s one belt one road project, port city development in Sri lanka, frequent visiting of China’s marine ship in Indian ocean is a big worry for India.
1.One belt one road initiative
The One Belt One Road initiative is the centre piece of China’s foreign policy and domestic economic strategy. It aims to rejuvenate ancient trade routes–Silk Routes–which will open up markets within and beyond the region.
Through this initiative, China’s plan is to construct roads, railways, ports, and other infrastructure across Asia and beyond to bind its economy more tightly to the rest of the world.
It refers to the network of Chinese military and commercial facilities and relationships along its sea lines of communication, which extend from the Chinese mainland to Port Sudan.
The sea lines run through several major maritime choke points such as the Strait of Mandeb, the Strait of Malacca, the Strait of Hormuz, and the Lombok Strait as well as other strategic maritime centers in Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the Maldives, and Somalia.
In China’s ambitions to convert the Indian Ocean into a ‘Chinese Ocean‘, the lead major accomplice role has been assigned by China to Pakistan.
China has assigned two major roles to Pakistan in this direction. The first focuses on Pakistan facilitating the Chinese development of the strategically located Gwadar Port on Baluchistan’s Makran Coast in close vicinity of the Hormuz Straits as a virtually exclusive Chinese Navy facility, though currently touted as a commercial venture.
China’s second role being assigned to Pakistan is to keep Indian Navy’s Western Fleet from exercising sea-control of the Arabian Sea by building-up Pakistan Navy’s submarine fleet as a focussed Chinese attention.
4. China getting closer to Sri Lanka
After a PLA-Navy submarine docked twice in Colombo, Sri Lanka last year, there is anxiety among Indian analysts of a renewed thrust by China for a permanent military presence in the Indian Ocean.
What does China’s rise mean for India?
Security dilemmas between China and Japan; China and India; China and Vietnam; and others will intensify due to China’s presence. In other words, the environment in which India pursues its interests will get more complex.
There are troubling questions about the motive behind China’s actions and other maritime infrastructure projects in the Indo-Pacific region.
China’s pitch for benign security in the Indian Ocean appears to be an attempt to convince Indian Ocean states of the need for Chinese support and security arrangements.
There are concerns being raised about China’s intention of making maritime power central to achieving Chinese dominance in Asia.
How can Indian secure itself in the region?
Participate in all regional connectivity –Outside OBOR, India must participate in all regional connectivity like INSTC, Ashgabat agreement etc
Harness Cultural links –We have rich cultural linkages with west and Central Asia countries. We must use it to establish relation economic, political and military relations. Through this our “Project Mausam” will also get a boost.
Soft Power –We have reputation of sharing developmental benefits, unlike China. This image should be harnessed to win more and more projects in Africa, Maldives, Sri Lanka and other littoral countries.
Naval Exercises – Joint exercises in Indian Ocean with other powers like U.S, Japan and Australia should be done to prevent hegemony of any one nation.
Military capability –Research ties with U.S, Russia and Israel should be beefed up and procurement with technology transfer have to be adopted.
Regional Growth: prosperity & security in the IO region should be increased through MAUSAM, SAGAR.
Blue Economy: development of Blue Economy should be extended to Mauritius, Sri Lanka, Maldives.
Revive Indian ocean rim association
Way ahead
As far as interests of India in Indian Ocean are concerned, it is important for India from multiple point of view. Strategically, trade, security etc.
In the recent years, India has signed several bilateral agreements with countries i.e. Maldives, Seychelles, Sri Lanka, in order to secure its interests in the region.
Though India may not have huge reserve as China and cannot do the scale of investment as it China does. But trust, good image, relations and soft power that India has developed will go a long way in countering possible threat by China.
India’s relations with the West Asian countries are historical since the independence. India has interests in economic, political, security and strategic fields with the West Asian nations.
India’s west Asia policy
For decades, India was a passive player in West Asia-a beneficiary of good relationships with multiple actors. Historically, India’s West Asia policy has been multi-directional.
During the Cold War years, India maintained close economic cooperation with both Saudi Arabia and Iran, the rival poles in regional geopolitics.
In the post-Soviet world: The bi-directional approach has been expanded to a tri-directional foreign policy to accommodate the three key pillars of West Asia — Saudi Arabia, Iran and Israel.
Importance of west Asia for India
India has huge stakes involved in the region such as energy, trade and safety of Indian community in the region.
Energy security: 70 per cent of India’s imported energy needs come from West Asia and this dependence will only increase as the Indian economy continues to grow at 8 per cent or more.
Security of Indian community :
India is the largest recipient of foreign remittances from west Asia.
11 million Indians working in West Asia. Therefore, stability in the region is high on India’s core agenda.
To counter radicalization: close cooperation is essential to counter radicalization in India.
Gate way to central Asia : West Asia is gate way to land locked and energy rich central Asia .
Geostrategic importance: To reduce the influence of china in west Asia and in Arabian Sea. China is continuously making in road to west Asia through OBOR initiative.
Challenges in west Asia
Political instability
The security situation in West Asia has been continuously deteriorating ever since the onset of the Arab Spring in December 2010.
The internal security situation in Syria, Iraq and Yemen has gone from bad to worse. The regional powers continue to fight proxy wars on sectarian lines, pumping huge amount of money and weapons to bolster their favoured groups.
The involvement of extra-regional players such as the USA and Russia in the internal conflicts in West Asia has further aggravated the situation.
The GCC-Iran rivalry, Shia-Sunni conflict, external intervention in the region, the fear of rise of religious radicalism etc have further contributed to instability in West Asia .
Terrorism: Terrorism has emerged as the biggest security threat to the region. The rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) is the most disturbing trend.
Saudi-Iran rivalry: destabilizing West Asia and influencing West Asian geopolitics.
Pakistan factor : Pakistan is very close ally of many west Asian countries especially with GCC.
Shia- Sunni divide may impact internal security of India.
India’s close relation with Israel is another sore point with west Asia.
India’s close relation with Iran may antagonize Saudi Arabia. India has to balance its ties with all three regional power in west Asia-Iran, Israel and Saudi Arabia.
India’s “Look West” policy
India adopted look west policy in 2005. However, the policy did not get much attention since 2005. Recent visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to number of west Asia countries has the potential to transform our engagement with West Asia.
Change in West Asian strategic thinking
Several factors have contributed to this fundamental shift in West Asian strategic thinking.
First, the structural change in the global energy market with West Asian oil and gas increasingly heading to South and East Asian markets rather than to the Trans-Atlantic markets.
Second, partly as a consequence of this change in flows and partly owing to the fiscal stress faced by the trans-Atlantic economies, West Asia is looking to India and other Asian powers to step in and offer securityguarantees to the region. Many GCC states have welcomed defence cooperation agreements with India.
Third, in the wake of the Arab Spring and the mess in Egypt and Iraq, the Gulf states find India and China to be more reliable interlocutors than many western states.
Fourth, under pressure from radical and extremist political forces within West Asia, most states in the region have come to value the Indian principle of seeking and securing regional stability as an over-riding principle of regional security.
Analysis
“Look East” Policy succeeded because South-East Asia began to “look West” to India, seeking a balancer to China.
“Look West” Policy will succeed because West Asia is “looking East” worried about the emerging strategic instability in its own neighbourhood and the structural shift in the global energy market.
India-West Asia relation is the assertion of not just a “shared” past but of shared challenges in the present and a shared future.
FIRST INDIA ARAB MINISTERIAL CONFERENCE
The 1st Ministerial Meeting of Arab-India Cooperation Forum was held on 24 January 2016 in the Bahraini capital Manama.
From Indian side meeting was attended by Minister of External Affairs and Overseas Indian Affairs and foreign ministers of Arab States also participated in this meet.
In meeting, leaders reviewed the achievements of the Arab- Indian cooperation and adopted the Manama Declaration.
The Arab-Indian Co-operation Forum was launched in New Delhi in 2008.
Key Highlights
Regional Issues
Arab Israel Conflict – A comprehensive and permanent solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict should be achieved on the basis of UN Security Council resolutions, Madrid Peace conference of 1991 and the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative in Beirut.
Syria Issue – There is need to preserve the unity, sovereignty, territorial integrity and stability of Syria and the importance to reach a political solution to the crisis that preserves the lives of Syrians.
Israel – Palestine Conflict
Israel should end its occupation of the Palestinian “Arab” territories it seized in 1967 and dismantle all the settlements.
Global Issues
UNSC Reforms – There is a need for urgent reform of the United Nations Security Council through expansion in both permanent and non-permanent membership to reflect contemporary reality.
Terrorism – They emphasized the need for concerted regional and international efforts to combat terrorism and to develop a strategy to eliminate the sources of terrorism and extremism including its funding, and combating organized cross-border crime.
INDIA-SAUDI ARABIA
Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid first official visit to Saudi Arabia. He is the fourth Indian Prime Minister to visit Saudi Arabia after Dr. Singh in 2010, Indira Gandhi in 1982 and Jawaharlal Nehru in 1956.
Prime Minister presented a gold-plated replica of the Cheraman Juma Masjid to King Salman of Saudi Arabia.
Prime Minister was conferred the Arabian country’s highest civilian honour — the King Abdulaziz Sash.
Significance of visit
Following are the areas in which Prime Minister visit will have significant impact:
The first is the elevation of ties between the two countries. This involves upgrading three key agreements-the energy security partnership of 2008, the strategic partnership of 2010 (which hasincluded robust anti-terror cooperation), and thedefence partnership of 2014.
The second possibility is improving the trade and investment relationship. Bilateral trade at about $40 billion must be built beyond its current oil dependence.
Investment opportunities for India: The Saudi government is pitching its mega project, the King Abdullah Economic City, with a deep-sea port as a connector between the East and the West, and wants India to see it as a gateway to its new forays into Africa.
Importance of Saudi Arabia:
Maintaining vibrant ties with Saudi Arabia is imperative for India’s energy security as well as for national security.
Saudi Arabia is India’s largest supplier of crude oil.
India is the largest recipient of foreign remittances from the kingdom.
Of the 11 million Indians working in West Asia, nearly three million are in Saudi Arabia. Therefore, stability in the region, and particularly in Saudi Arabia, is high on India’s core agenda.
In recent years, bilateral ties had acquired a security dimension with both countries stepping up cooperation in counter-terrorism and intelligence-sharing.
Riyadh also extradited several terror suspects to India.
Saudi Arabia can force Pakistan to abandon its anti-India foreign policy.
Importance of India for Saudi Arabia
Economic Strain: Due to persistently weak oil prices. Also competition in oil market due to a sanctions-free Iran entering the global economic mainstream. In this context, India is a vital market for Saudi Arabia.
Change in US policy: The US is no longer as dependent on the region for energy as it used to be. Also, US is more accommodative towards Iran to bring peace in west Asia.
Friction with Pakistan: Islamabad renewing its ties with Tehran. Pakistan also refused to join Saudi Arabia’s war coalition against the Iran-backed Shia rebels (Houthi) in Yemen.
Critical Issues with Saudi Arabia
Saudi – Pakistan relation: Pakistan is a “Historic ally” of the Saudis.
Saudi-Iran rivalry: destabilizing West Asia and influencing West Asian geopolitics.
Ideological problem:
While Saudi Arabia denounces all forms of terrorism, Saudi money is funding Wahhabi Islamic groups around the world.
Many extremist outfits are inspired by the Wahhabi branch of Islam.
Saudi Arabia’s aggressive foreign policy in West Asia: foreign policy is doing great damage to regional stability, which is India’s most important goal in the region.
In Syria, the Saudi support for the rebels has played a key role in destabilising the regime, leading to the rise of the Islamic State.
In Yemen, the war has unleashed chaos and a humanitarian catastrophe, creating conditions for radicalism to flourish.
India’s west Asia policy
Despite the growing economic ties, political contacts between Saudi Arabia and India were at minimum till the Manmohan Singh government took office in 2004.
In 2010, India and Saudi Arabia signed the Riyadh Declaration, which set the framework for enhanced cooperation in the security, defence and economic spheres. Since then, there has been marked improvement in security cooperation and intelligence sharing.
Prime Minister visit to Riyadh reflects a resolve to deepen India’s engagement in West Asia.
INDIA AND IRAN
Prime Minister paid his first official visit to Iran. During the visit, the two sides signed a total of 12 of agreements on economy, trade, transportation, port development, culture, science and academic cooperation.
Chabahar port agreement
India and Iran signed the “historic” Chabahar port agreement, which has the potential of becoming India’s gateway toAfghanistan, Central Asia and Europe.
A contract for the development and operation for 10 years of two terminals and five berths;
The extension of credit lines of $500 million for the port and of Rs.3,000 crore for importing steel rails and implementation of the port;
Memorandums of understanding on provision of services by Indian Railways, including financing to the tune of $1.6 billion, for the Chabahar-Zahedan railway line — a line that is also part of the trilateral agreement between India, Iran and Afghanistan on a transit and trade corridor.
India will invest billions of dollars in setting up industries — ranging from aluminium smelter to urea plants in Iran’s Chabahar free trade zone after it signed a pact to operate a strategic port on the Persian Gulf nation’s southern coast New Delhi and Tehran had agreed in 2003 to develop the port, near the Iran-Pakistan border. But the project did not take off, mainly owing to international sanctions against Iran over its nuclear programme, but also on account of inertia in Delhi.
Economic significance of Port
Once the Chabahar port is developed, Indian ships will get direct access to the Iranian coast; a rail line to the Afghan border town of Zaranj will allow India a route around Pakistan.
The Zaranj-Delaram road constructed by India in 2009 can give access to Afghanistan’s Garland Highway, setting up road access to four major cities in Afghanistan — Herat, Kandahar, Kabul and Mazar-e-Sharif. This will surely boost trade with Iran and Afghanistan.
Once the Chabahar port is developed, goods from India will not only travel up to Afghanistan, but beyond, along the yet-to-be developed International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) to Central Asia.
The road, rail and port development projects, once implemented, will change the way India, Afghanistan and Iran do business.
Strategic significance
Chabahar is situated just 100 km from Pakistan’s Gwadar port, the centrepiece of a $46 billion economic corridor that China is building.
The Chabahar port will act as a gateway for India to Central Asia bypassing the China-Pakistan arc.
India’s presence in Chabahar will offset the Chinese presence in Pakistan port of Gwadar.
The trilateral trade treaty
India, Afghanistan and Iran signed the trilateral trade treaty for developing the Chabahar port.
The signing of the trilateral agreement between India, Iran and Afghanistan has been described as a “game changer”. A trilateral transport corridor project has the potential to alter the geopolitical map of South and Central Asia.
INDIA-UAE
Prime Minister made his first visit to the Gulf region and West Asia with a trip to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), marking the first visit by Indian PM to the UAE in more than three decades. In 2014-2015, trade between India and the UAE crossed $59 billion with the balance of trade in favour of India, making the UAE one of India’sbiggest trading partners.
India and UAE elevated the relationship between the two countries to a comprehensive strategic partnership.That is being seen as a significant elevation of ties as well as a sign of India’s shift in the region.
Both the countries agreed to “co-ordinate efforts to fight radicalisation and misuse of religion by groups and countries for inciting hatred, perpetrating and justifying terrorism or pursuing political aims.” It is seen as a shift in foreign policy where security and terrorism take precedence over diplomacy in driving India’s interests.
The joint statement was also significant in the way it indicted Pakistan and state sponsored terror without naming the country.
The two countries would also work towards the adoption of India’s proposed Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism in the United Nations.
In real terms, the strategic relationship will entail regular meeting (at least every six months) between national security advisors of both countries, and improve points of contact between their security agencies to improve operational cooperation.
The UAE will also support India’s candidature for a permanent seat in the United Nation’s Security Council (UNSC).
Transformational visit
The Joint Statement between the United Arab Emirates and India is an important articulation of a significant shift in the Arab world’s view of India.
It talks of historic ties of “commerce, culture and kinship”, drawing attention to the unique history of Arab interaction with Indian communities of the west coast, from Gujarat to Kerala.
The joint statement, outlining closer government-to-government (G2G) relations, draws attention to the vibrant business-to-business (B2B) and people-to-people (P2P) relationships and commits the UAE to a sharp increase in its investment in India.
The new strategic partnership outlined by the UAE and India is not just defined by India’s “Look West” policy but that it is equally defined by the GCC’s “Look East” policy.
INDIA-QATAR
Prime Minister Narendra Modi paid his first official visit to gas-rich Qatar. During the visit following seven agreements were signed.
MoU between National Investment and Infrastructure Fund (NIIF) and Qatar Investment Authority (QIA).The MoU aims at establishing framework for facilitating participation of Qatari institutional investors in Infrastructure projects in India under NIIF
Agreement on Cooperation and Mutual Assistance in Customs Matters.
MoU between Financial Intelligence Unit – India (FIU-IND) and the Qatar Financial Information Unit (QFIU) concerning cooperation in the exchange of intelligence related to money laundering, terrorism financingand related crimes.
MoU for Cooperation in Skill Development and Recognition of Qualifications.
MoU on cooperation in Tourism.
The First Executive Programme for MoU in the field of Youth and Sports.
MOU for Cooperation in the field of Health.
Importance of Qatar
Qatar is an important trading partner for India in the Gulf region with bilateral trade in 2014-15 standing at $15.67 billion of which India’s exports accounted for nearly $1 billion.
It is also one of India’s key sources of crude oil.
India is the third largest export destination for Qatar after Japan and South Korea, with LNG being the major item of trade.
Indians comprise the single largest group of migrants in Qatar.
The Prime Minister has been focusing on improving ties with the Gulf region which is crucial for India’s energy security. He has already visited United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Qatar is member of Gulf cooperation council (GCC).
India Israel Relations
An overview
India formally recognised Israel on September 17, 1950. Relations between India and Israel were not always warm. The two countries found themselves at loggerheads for almost 4 decades. India was the leader of NAM, and tilted towards Soviet and Arab world, where as Israel was out and out an US ally. India’s large muslim population was also a hurdle in establishing good bilateral relations.
Since firmly establishing ties, both countries have benefitted immensely.
Since the upgradation of relations in 1992, defence and agriculture have been the main pillars of bilateral engagement. In recent years, ties have expanded to areas such as S&T, education and homeland security. The future vision of the cooperation is of a strong hi-tech partnership as befits two leading knowledge economies.
President Pranab Mukherjee visited Israel in October, 2015. From Israel, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and President Ezer Weizmann visited India in 2003 and 1997 respectively . There have been frequent Ministerial level exchanges in the recent past.
India has benefited from Israeli expertise and technologies in horticulture mechanization, protected cultivation, orchard and canopy management, nursery management, micro-irrigation and post-harvest management particularly in Haryana and Maharashtra. Israeli drip irrigation technologies and products are now widely used in India. Some Israeli companies and experts are providing expertise to manage and improve dairy farming in India through their expertise in high milk yield.
India imports critical defence technologies from Israel. There are regular exchanges between the armed forces and defence personnel.
India is known in Israel as an ancient nation with strong cultural traditions.
Why India and Israel are bringing their relation out of the carpet?
Since 1992, the relations between the countries has developed steadily. Shared concerns regarding terrorism, have been key drivers. In fact, The President of India recently stated that Israel has come through for India, when needed the most.
The president referred to the assistance given during the Kargil crisis in 1999 in particular, but there has also been less publicly-acknowledged help in the past. India, for its part, has felt that the closer relationship with Israel has created a constituency for it in the United States.
The governments have also been trying to increase people-to-people interaction through educational exchanges and tourism, with some success.
Israel has talked about the relationship being “held under the carpet.” More bluntly, happy to engage intimately in private, but hesitant to acknowledge the relationship in public. The explanations for this have ranged from Indian domestic political sensitivities to its relations with the Arab countries.
In 2014, India had expressed concern about loss of life in Gaza strip, as well as provocations against Israel, and called both sides to deescalate. Yet, it then voted in support of the U.N. Human Rights Council resolution that condemned Israel, a move that left observers wondering why didn’t India abstain. Since then, however, the government has moved toward the expected approach.
The first sign of this was PM Modi’s decision to meet with Netanyahu on the sidelines of the opening of the U.N. General Assembly in 2014.Since then, there have been a number of high-level visits and interactions, including a few “firsts. Last year, Pranab Mukherjee, for example, became the first Indian president to travel to Israel. The Israeli ambassador to India has observed the “high visibility” the relationship now enjoys.
The deepening and more open relationship with Israel, however, hasn’t been accompanied by a U-turn on the Indian government’s policy toward Palestine. Government seems to be doing is trying to de-hyphenate its ties with Israel and Palestine. The de-hyphenated approach, in turn, potentially gives Indian policymakers more space to take India’s relationship with Israel further.
The government has reiterated India’s traditional position on a two-state solution, as an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital.
The continuity on this front is not just driven by historic and domestic political factors, but also by India’s broader balancing act in the region. Even as India’s relations with Israel have deepened, it has maintained and even enhanced its relations with Iran and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries.
Main areas of cooperation
There is a lot of complementarity between both nations’ economic interests.
In the defense space, cooperation is only growing. India has recently bought spike anti tank missiles, and Barak Missiles, for navy, and also tested the Barak 8 missile system.
Cooperation is also continuing in the agricultural sector, with 30 centers of excellence either established or planned across 10 Indian states.
More broadly, the two governments are seeking to facilitate greater economic ties, as well as science and technology collaboration.
Israel is one of the first country which is implementing the ‘Make In India’ vision.There are already plans for joint ventures for making for India by Israeli company with the support of the Israeli government.
There are vibrant people-to-people interactions, strategic dialogues between the security forces and strategic establishments, among other on-going exchanges between the two countries.
India has been a favourite tourist destination, especially for Israeli youth. In 2010, nearly 50,000 Israeli tourists had come to India.
Israeli President’s visit to India
Mr Reuven Rivlin met both the President and the Prime Minister, and discussed working together to combat terrorism and extremism. He is the first Israeli president to travel to India since 1996
Memoranda of understanding, in agriculture and the management of water resources, were signed.
Israel and India already cooperate closely in the areas of defense and combating terrorism, but in talks between Rivlin and Modi, it was agreed to strengthen this cooperation even further.
PM and Mr Rivlin said that they deeply value the strong and growing partnership between their countries to secure their respective societies.
What challenges remain?
One area that needs attention is coproductionin order to produce cheaper products and to reduce dependency on third actors. Military exercises should be incorporated into defence cooperation since Israel has a growing interest in the Indian Ocean Region.
In the area of academics, one issue constraining better relations between Indian and Israeli academics is money.
Foreign policy concerns for the two countries are dominated by third party issues such as Iran and the Palestinian issue.
Asian alliance comprising India, Israel, South Korea, Japan and Australia could work together to deal with issues including missile defence and piracy. At the global level, the differences in outlook of both nations are evident. India seems more in favour of a multi-polar world while Israel prefers a uni-polar one. But both nations do not want to see a weakened US.
Conclusion
Over the past 60 years, India’s Israel policy has been rooted in pragmatism. Although India initially opposed the creation of Israel, strategic cooperation caused Indo-Israeli relations to warm from the 1960s onward without alienating the Arab World.
Today India maintains close relationships with both Israel and Arab nations. Due to its close ties with both parties, India has the potential to play a major role in the peace process between Palestinians and Israelis. India is in a position to serve as an honest, unbiased broker, a role that the United States has struggled to fill.
The India-Israel relationship provides a valuable lesson in international politics, especially for states whose ideological alliances prevent them from forging solely pragmatic ties. India has shown that the even-handed pursuit of diplomatic, military, and economic interests is the way to garner diplomatic credibility and popular good will without damaging other strategic relationships.
Important Contemporary issues related to West Asia
IRAQ CRISIS
A civil war is raging in Iraq. There is a deadlock between the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (alternatively translated as Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and abbreviated as ISIL or ISIS an unrecognized state and active Jihadist militant group in Iraq and Syria influenced by the Wahhabi movement). It is operating in Iraq and Syria.
Here we are analyzing the situation of IRAQ in FAQ form:
What was Operation Iraqi Freedom?
After the attacks on September 11, 2001, and the overthrow of the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan, the United States Government turned its attention to Iraq and the regime of Saddam Hussein. Citing intelligence information that Iraq had stockpiled and continued to develop weapons of mass destruction (WMD) such as poison gas, biological agents, and nuclear weapons, as well as harboring and supporting members of Osama Bin Laden’s al-Qaeda terrorist network, the United States and Great Britain led a coalition to topple Hussein’s regime in March 2003.
Since the end of the Persian Gulf War of 1990-1991, the United States Air Force had maintained a continuous presence in the Middle East, enforcing no-fly zones in the northern and southern portions of Iraq, termed Operation NORTHERN WATCH, based out of Turkey, and Operation SOUTHERN WATCH, based out of Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
Finally, Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), the U.S.-led coalition military operation in Iraq, was launched on March 20, 2003, with the immediate stated goal of removing Saddam Hussein’s regime and destroying its ability to use weapons of mass destruction or to make them available to terrorists. Over time, the focus of OIF shifted from regime removal to the more open-ended mission of helping the Government of Iraq (GoI) improve security, establish a system of governance, and foster economic development.
What were the outcomes of Operation Iraqi Freedom?
The outcomes were:
a) End the regime of Saddam Hussein.
b) Elimination of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction.
c) Destruction of terrorist infrastructure in Iraq.2
d) Coalition military forces secured Iraq’s southern oil fields
e) Sanctions on Iraq were imposed by the United Nations Security Council as a result of the Hussein regime’s unwillingness to abandon its weapons of mass destruction and terrorist programs, account for individuals missing from the 1991 Persian Gulf War, and stop its repression of the Iraqi civilian population. With the military action to remove the Hussein regime a success, U.N. sanctions against Iraq come to an end.
f) Estimates on the number of casualties during the invasion in Iraq vary widely. Estimates on civilian casualties are more variable than those for military personnel. According to Iraq Body Count, a group that relies on press reports, NGO-based reports and official figures to measure civilian casualties, approximately 7,500 civilians were killed during the invasion phase. The Project on Defense Alternatives study estimated that 3,200–4,300 civilians died during the invasion.
What was Operation New Dawn?
The transition to Operation New Dawn, Sept. 1, marks the official end to Operation Iraqi Freedom and combat operations by United States forces in Iraq.
During Operation New Dawn, the remaining 50,000 U.S. service members serving in Iraq will conduct stability operations, focusing on advising, assisting and training Iraqi Security Forces (ISF). Operation New Dawn also represents a shift from a predominantly military U.S. presence to one that is predominantly civilian, as the Departments of Defense and State work together with governmental and non-governmental agencies to help build Iraq’s civil capacity.
The transition to Operation New Dawn represents the U.S. commitment to the government and people of Iraq as a sovereign, stable country that will be an enduring strategic partner with the United States. This has been made possible by the improved capability of the ISF to take the lead in securing their country.
New Dawn also signifies the success of the responsible drawdown of forces and the redeployment of thousands of U.S. Soldiers, as well as the return or transfer of war fighting equipment to the U.S. or to combat troops fighting in Afghanistan.
What happened after withdrawal of US forces in 2011?
The withdrawal of American military forces from Iraq began in June 2009 and was completed by December 2011, bringing an end to the Iraq War.
Despite the elimination of a repressive single-party cult of personality state, the invasion and occupation led to sectarian violence which caused widespread displacement among Iraqi civilians. The Iraqi Red Crescent organization estimated the total internal displacement was around 2.3 million in 2008, and as many as 2 million Iraqis leaving the country. Poverty led many Iraqi women to turn to prostitution to support themselves and their families, attracting sex tourists from regional lands. The invasion led to a constitution which supported democracy as long as laws did not violate traditional Islamic principles, and a parliamentary election was held in 2005.
In addition the invasion preserved the autonomy of the Kurdish region, and stability brought new economic prosperity. Because the Kurdish region is historically the most democratic area of Iraq, many Iraqi refugees from other territories fled into the Kurdish land.
What was the Economic and Political Situation of Iraq after withdrawal?
Iraq’s political and economic challenges dominated both its internal politics and relations with the US, Iran, and Iraq’s other neighbors. To improve economic situation Iraq needs trade and cross-border support from Iran, just as it needs aid, diplomatic, and military support from the US. Iraq’s much-reduced military capabilities make it dependent on aid, military sales, and training from the United States, and Iraq still lacks the resources and cohesion to resist against Iranian coercion and to defend against Iranian aggression.
A budget crisis that lasted from 2008 to 2010, and a political crisis that began long before the March 2010 election that produced a de facto stalemate in many aspects of governance, have added to these economic problems as well as sharply delayed critical qualitative improvements in every branch of Iraq’s national security forces.
Iraq has not been able to absorb and support many of the aid projects funded during the US occupation, and its problems in national governance have been compounded by corruption, political infighting, and sectarian and ethnic struggles at the provincial and local levels.
While the existence of vast oil reserves in Iraq are not in question, the country’s petroleum sector faces many challenges that have limited its ability to produce, export, and deliver this valuable natural resource.
Battle over Iraq’s natural resources has a significant impact on its domestic politics and divisions. Iraq faces political fallout between the central government and the Kurdish regional government (KRG) over energy contracts and the right to invite and award lucrative contracts to international companies.
In April 2012, the KRG halted its supply of oil for export through Iraq’s national pipeline, claiming that the central government owed over $1.5 billion in operating costs to companies in the Kurdish region.
For its part, the government in Baghdad has threatened to simply deduct that lost oil revenue from what the KRG’s portion of the Iraqi budget. At the same time, Iraq’s oil-rich Shi’ite provinces want a larger share of the country’s export earnings while other Arab Shi’ite and Sunni provinces want the distribution of these shares based on need of their portion of Iraq’s total population.
Internal disputes between the central government and Iraq’s oil rich regions, as well as poor infrastructure, political uncertainty, sabotage, and internal demand will further limit Iraq’s ability to produce and export oil.
What were the Criticisms for the USA Invasion on Iraq?
The Bush Administration’s rationale for the Iraq War has faced heavy criticism from an array of popular and official sources both inside and outside the United States, with many U.S. citizens finding many parallels with the Vietnam War. For example a former CIA officer who described the Office of Special Plans as a group of ideologues who were dangerous to U.S. national security and a threat to world peace, and that the group lied and manipulated intelligence to further its agenda of removing Saddam. The Center for Public Integrity alleges that the Bush administration made a total of 935 false statements between 2001 and 2003 about Iraq’s alleged threat to the United States.
Criticisms include:
Legality of the invasion
Human casualties
Insufficient post-invasion plans, in particular inadequate troop levels (a RAND Corporation study stated that 500,000 troops would be required for success)
Financial costs with approximately $612 billion spent as of 4/09 the CBO has estimated the total cost of the war in Iraq to US taxpayers will be around$1.9 trillion.
Adverse effect on US-led global “war on terror”
Damage to U.S.’ traditional alliances and influence in the region, especially Israel and Saudi Arabia. Endangerment and ethnic cleansing of religious and ethnic minorities by insurgent.
Disruption of Iraqi oil production and related energy security concerns (the price of oil has quadrupled since 2002)
After President Barack Obama was inaugurated in 2009, some anti-war groups decided to stop protesting even though the war was still going on. Some of them decided to stop because they felt they should give the new President time to establish his administration, and others stopped because they believed that Obama would end the war.
The financial cost of the war has been more than £4.55 billion ($9 billion) to the UK, and over $845 billion to the US government. According to Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph E. Stiglitz and Harvard public finance lecturer Linda J. Bilmes it costs the United States $720 million a day to wage the Iraq war. This number takes into account the long-term health care for veterans, interest on debt and replacement of military hardware.
In March 2013, the total cost of the Iraq War was estimated to have been $1.7 trillion by the Watson Institute of International Studies at Brown University. Critics have argued that the total cost of the war to the US economy is estimated to be from $3 trillion to $6 trillion, including interest rates, by 2053.
What are the Reasons for Current Crisis?
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, a Shiite, took power in 2006 and largely left out many Sunnis from ascending in the political ranks, leaving religious strife as the centerpiece of this disagreement. In the past, al- Maliki has also been criticized for his alleged “spoils system” approach in promoting his political allies to posts in the military.
Earlier Shiite militants had encouraged by the government to conduct sectarian cleansing in mixed areas around Baghdad, particularly in Diyala province between Baghdad and the Iranian border. These events contributed to the motivation of Sunnis who have taken up arms or acquiesced in the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria’s offensive.
Even as the ISIS tide rolls southward down the Tigris, there is probably little danger of Baghdad and other Shiite areas falling into Sunni insurgent hands.
Who are the major Players in the Iraq crisis?
The major players and groups in the crisis:
Insurgents
The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) is a Sunni jihadist group that has its roots in the al-Qaeda linked insurgents that formed the backbone of the resistance against U.S. forces in Iraq after the 2003 invasion.
It has since expanded operations into Syria, where it is fighting the regime of Bashar Assad, and has broken formal ties with al-Qaeda. It embraces a radical form of Islam and consists of battle-hardened fighters.
Earlier this year, the group ransacked Fallujah and Ramadi, two influential Sunni cities in western Iraq. It has managed to hold much of Fallujah and portions of Ramadi. More recently it seized parts of Mosul and was positioned to edge toward Baghdad.
ISIL is also referred to as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
Nouri al-Maliki
The prime minister of Iraq leads a Shiite dominated government that has alienated many of the Sunnis in Iraq over the past several years. Maliki has been criticized for not taking more steps to include rival Sunni leaders in his government.
Shiites are the majority sect in Iraq, but for most of Iraq’s history they were oppressed by the Sunnis, who dominated the government. Saddam Hussein and his key leaders were all Sunnis. Shiite leaders during that time were driven into exile.
Iraq’s Armed Forces
Organized, trained and, to some extent, equipped by the United States, the Iraqi military was a competent force when the United States pulled all its forces out in 2011.
But over the past several years Maliki has been accused of appointing political cronies to key leadership positions and the military has ceased to conduct regular training. Sunnis have said the army is little more than another Shiite militia and have little confidence in its ability to protect them. Many units simply collapsed when insurgents attacked Mosul and other cities in Iraq.
Shiite militias
During the U.S. occupation of Iraq, Shiite militias, some of which were backed by Iran, grew to become powerful forces. Among the strongest such militias is the Mahdi Army, a group loyal to anti-American cleric Muqtada al-Sadr.
Shiite militias at various times attacked U.S. forces and also participated in sectarian warfare in Iraq between Sunnis and Shiites, which peaked in 2006. Most of the insurgent gains were in Sunni or mixed areas. Shiite militias will likely try to protect Shiite neighborhoods if insurgents attempt to move into Baghdad.
Who are ISIS?
The Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (alternatively translated as Islamic State in Iraq and Syria or Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham abbreviated ISIL and ISIS, is an unrecognized state and active Jihadist militant group in Iraq and Syria. In its unrecognized self-proclaimed status as an independent state, it claims the territory of Iraq and Syria, with implied future claims intended over more of the Levant including Lebanon, Israel, Jordan,Cyprus and Southern Turkey.
It was established in the early years of the Iraq War and has pledged allegiance to al-Qaeda in 2004. The group was composed of and supported by a variety of insurgent groups, including its predecessor organisation, the Mujahideen Shura Council, Al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI), Jaysh al-Fatiheen, Jund al-Sahaba, Katbiyan Ansar Al- Tawhid wal Sunnah, Jeish al-Taiifa al-Mansoura etc., and other clans whose population profess Sunni Islam. Its aim was to establish acaliphate in the Sunni majority regions of Iraq, later expanding this to include Syria. In February 2014, after an eight-month power struggle, al-Qaeda cut all ties with ISIS.
In addition to attacks on government and military targets, the group has claimed responsibility for attacks that have killed thousands of Iraqi civilians. Despite significant setbacks for the group during the latter stages of the Coalition’s presence in Iraq, by late 2012 the group was thought to have renewed its strength and more than doubled the number of its members to about 2,500.
In early June 2014, following its large-scale offensives in Iraq, ISIS have seized control of most of Mosul, the second most populous city in Iraq, its surrounding Nineveh province, and the city of Fallujah. ISIS has also taken control of Tikrit, the administrative center of the Salah ad Din Governorate, with the ultimate goal of capturing Baghdad, the Iraqi capital. ISIS was believed to have only 2,000–3,000 fighters up until the Mosul campaign, but during that campaign it became evident that this number was a gross underestimate
What steps can be taken to control the problem?
The problem will only get worse in the coming months. Now that the Iraqi government’s weakness in Sunni territories has been exposed, other Sunni extremist groups are joining forces with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria to exploit the opening. The Baathist-affiliated Naqshbandi Army and the Salafist Ansar al-Sunna Army are reportedly taking part in the offensive as well, and they are drawing support from a Sunni population that believes itself persecuted and disenfranchised by al-Maliki’s government and threatened by Shiite militias that are his political allies.
The problem at its core is not just a matter of security, but politics. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria and its allies would not have had the opportunity to seize ground in the Sunni Arab-dominated provinces of Salaheddin, Nineveh and Anbar if there had been more inclusive and sincere political outreach to the mainstream Sunni Arab community.
In the end, the solution to the ISIS threat is a fundamental change in Iraq’s political discourse, which has become dominated by one sect and one man, and the inclusion of mainstream Sunni Arabs and Kurds as full partners in the state.
If al-Maliki truly wishes to restore government control to the Sunni provinces, he must reach out to Sunni and Kurdish leaders and ask for their help, and he must re-enlist former Sons of Iraq leaders, purged military commanders and Kurdish Peshmerga to help regain the territory they once helped the Iraqi government defend. But these are steps a-Maliki has shown himself unwilling and unlikely to take.
Recommendations for a path forward
In this complicated and quickly evolving situation, the steps that can be taken are:
To weaken ISIS to prevent it from controlling substantial territory in Iraq from which it can become a threat to the region.
To reduce threats of growing sectarian conflict sparking a wider regional war
To safeguard reliable and capable partners such as Jordan, Turkey, and the Kurdistan Regional Government.
The nations should engage in a regional full-court press involving top military, intelligence, and diplomatic officials to persuade relevant regional stakeholders—Turkey, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and even Iran—to step back from actions in Iraq and Syria that could lead to a wider regional war.
Additional security and intelligence coordination and operations with Jordan, Turkey, and the Kurdistan Regional Government are essential, along with humanitarian assistance to help care for those displaced by the crisis. These partners have intelligence and capabilities that should leverage to degrade the threat from ISIS.
Action against ISIS in Iraq alone will likely push the problem back across the border into Syria, where ISIS controls large swaths of ungoverned territory. This possibility requires more robust efforts to train and equip the moderate Syrian opposition forces that have shown a willingness and ability to fight ISIS and Assad, something CAP has called for previously. The administration and Congress should make this the first test of President Obama’s Counterterrorism Partnership Fund, using resources already dedicated to Overseas Contingency Operations. Details about vetting, the location for training, and the types of equipment necessary should be worked out rapidly.
ARAB SPRING:
The Arab Spring, a term given to the Arab Revolution. In almost all of the Arabian and African countries they are either ruled by the autocratic Kings or by the Military Rulers who had overthrown the earlier government and established an autocratic regime.
As you know in autocratic regimes it become very difficult for the citizens of the country to be heard as per Rule of Law. In most of the Arabian countries still all the Laws are as per the orthodox Sunni Rules. But now it is very true to say that : “the longer an autocrat stays in power the shorter time it takes for his regime’s ouster” upheavals in Tunisia, Egypt and Yemen, as well as the violent uprising and foreign military intervention in Libya and now the ongoing tension in Syria is the best example of that.
The main reasons for the civil uprising was:
1.Double digit Inflation Rates
2.UNEMPLOYMENT/UNDEREMPLOYMENT:
Mohammed Bouazizi
eg. The very first instance which sparked the whole Arab Spring in Tunisia is only due to Mohammed Bouazizi from Tunisia is a prime example of how unemployment can prove deadly for a regime and how the government’s indifference proves fatal for the whole country. Instead of helping out the 26-year-old who tried his best to seek a job including his attempt to get drafted into the military and applying for jobs in both public and private sectors, the government officials confiscated his vegetables kiosk and effectively barred him from feeding his family and paying for his sister’s university fees.
With no way out, he set himself on fire in front of the government building where his confiscated kiosk rested and registered his extreme condemnation of Ben Ali’s 23-year-old regime and its economic policies. He immolated himself but also burnt the outlandish castles of the ruling elite, spinning the wheel of a massive revolution that changed everything in the country.
According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it is independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty
The most apt example of this is :
The civil war in Algeria is a prime example of how political or religious or both forms of oppression can lead a country to civil war. The Front for Islamic Salvation (FIS) won the first round of elections with a heavy mandate in December 1991. Then president Chadli Bendjedid invited the Algerian military to take control of the situation. The army removed the president from power and installed a military-backed government.
The FIS was banned and the army put a squeeze on religious activities across the country. A military operation was started against the armed supporters of the FIS, which then splintered into smaller militant groups that attacked the security forces, police and civilians. The army also staged bloody attacks against suspected Islamists, which ensued a full-fledged civil war, leaving at least 200,000 Algerians dead and approximately 15,000 forcibly disappeared.
The conflict continued till 2002 when the armed militants laid down the arms and accepted the new civilian government’s amnesty. By then the damage was done and the socio-economic fabric of the country was ripped apart.
Following a wave of protests in the wake of popular uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Libiya and Yemen, Algeria officially lifted its 19-year-old state of emergency on 24 February 2011. The country’s Council of Ministers approved the repeal two days prior.
ABSENCE OF POLITICAL DISSENT/LACK OF PARTICIPATION
Political dissent refers to any expression which conveys public dissatisfaction over the policies of the government. It may come in both violent and nonviolent forms – including protests, civil disobedience, strike, lobbying. The violent expressions may include self-immolation, rioting, arson, bombings, assassinations and armed revolution.
The lack of political dissent is the hallmark of any repressive government. Dictatorships and authoritarian regimes tend to punish any form of political dissent and are quick to quell it effectively. The suppression of freedom of speech is the first target of such government that denies an individual or group of individuals to speak freely without censorship, limitation or punishment.
Similarly, the freedom of assembly and association is the individual’s right to come together with the others to express, promote, pursue and defend common interests collectively. Any given authoritarian regime would deny this basic right to its citizens and violators would be punished sternly by employing the services of the notorious secret services and police forces. Jails and prisons in authoritarian states are full of political prisoners at any given time. Also, there is no existence of a viable political opposition group or movement.
Suppression of political dissent is very common in the Middle East and Central Asia. The Libyan example is a classic case study.
The arrest of Fathi Terbil, a human rights activist arrested in Benghazi by the security services, triggered massive anti-government protests in cities across Libya on 16 February.Instead of addressing the concerns of the general public and allowing them to peacefully air their views, the Libyan authorities commanded by Moammar Gaddafi, the 68-year-old dictator who has been in the power since the 1969 coup, opened fire on the protestors and used disproportionate force to disperse them. Initially, the masses withdrew from the streets but came back with vengeance after arming themselves with crude weapons and ammunitions.
The result was a large scale revolt that engulfed whole of Libya with large urban centres expelling the pro-Gaddafi regime elements and declaring the cities ‘free’. Though, the Gaddafi regime has mounted unprecedented attacks on the rebels controlled the cities in both east and west of Libya, the rage and determination to break away from the clutches of the authoritarianism and tyranny of the Libyan despot rages stronger than ever.
The Gaddafi regime denied the masses their right to govern themselves and address their problems. The Libyan system of the ‘People’s Committees’ was never reformed and crumbled under the weight of cronyism and nepotism. This injustice and repression turned into an insurmountable rebellion for Gaddafi’s loyal forces and mercenaries to crush.
FOREIGN INTERFERENCE
Acts of foreign interference can be described as activities carried by or on behalf of, are directed or subsidised by or are undertaken in active collaboration with, a foreign power. Such activities are usually clandestine or deceptive and are carried on for intelligence purposes. They are also carried on for the purpose of affecting political or governmental processes. Such activities are detrimental to the interests of a nation and involve threat to a person, group of people or the nation as a whole.
Middle East stands to be one of the most active regions of foreign interference. From meddling into the affairs of the state by regional players to direct/indirect interference by US and other western powers, this region has seen more than its share of foreign interference.
Lebanon is a hapless victim of foreign intervention in the Middle East region that faced brutal invasions and braved civil wars incited by regional powers. The country’s fragmented socio-political scenario provided ideal conditions to the outsiders who furthered their interests at the expense of Lebanese national interests.
Iran and Syria armed and aided Shia militants and named them Hezbollah whereas Israel propped up the Christian Phalange militias that went on to massacre thousands of people from rival sectarian groups.
On the top sat powers like US, France and Russia that benefitted from the arms trade while the country was being reduced to ashes. The situation is so grim in Lebanon today that governments in Beirut are formed or toppled on the directives coming from either Tehran, Damascus, Riyadh, Tel Aviv or Washington DC.
KLEPTOCRACY:
A group of people that engages itself in thievery to govern is known as kleptocracy. It consolidates the tyrannical powers by practicing transfer of money and power from the many to the few. The kleptocratic ruling class consists of moneyed elite that usurps justice, liberty, equality, sovereignty, and other democratic rights from the people.
Just as the Middle East and North African nations are flush with oil wealth, the region is also a haven of kleptocratic rulers from the shores of the Atlantic to the warm waters of Persian Gulf. Kingdoms upon kingdoms are ruled by dynasties that are at least a few centuries old and owe their existence to the 19th century imperial powers. In fact it was the very imperial system that not only gave birth to them but also propped and saved them from the adverse winds of political change and democracy
The 7,000-strong House of Saud is the most powerful kleptocracy in the Middle East with most power resides in the hands of 200 or so descendants of Ibne Saud, the founder of modern Saudi Arabia. Thanks to the tapping of the world’s largest proven oil reserves, the Sheikhs of the Al Saud family have enriched themselves to astronomical proportions.
With all the accumulated wealth, the richest ruling family on the planet aids and abets other dictatorships in the region and provides a safe haven after their removal. In stark contrast to their mega-rich lifestyle, thousands of Saudi families live in dire conditions and are mired in poverty and unemployment.
The Saudi government is also actively accused of supporting neo-Wahhabi Islamic extremists in Pakistan, Yemen, Iraq, Central Asia and elsewhere by funding religious seminaries (madarsas) and providing arms and weapons.
On the other hand, the very same rulers have massive stakes in US and European businesses, spread from California to French Riviera. This bizarre mix of religion and hedonism has contributed to numerous conflicts, human rights abuses and environmental disasters across the region and have resulted into the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people.
POLICE STATE
Police state can be described as a state in which the government exercises rigid and repressive controls with the help of secret police forces and agencies over the social, economic and political life of the nation.
Syria is one such state in the Middle East where the dynastic Al-Assad regime represses people with the help of the secret services and other state apparatus. The country is void of any form of political freedoms and the decades long arbitrary laws forbid any form of demonstration, activism or dissent.
Despite poverty, unemployment and harsh economic conditions, the masses are afraid of any kind of opposition to the Bashar Al-Assad regime fearing massive reprisals by the state. Many opposition political activists say the Syrian military and intelligence services were behind the 1982 Hama massacre that claimed the lives of more than 20,000 people believed to be supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, an arch rival of the ruling secular nationalist Baath party.
The Human Rights Watch, along with Syrian Human Rights Committee, maintains that thousands of political prisoners, including bloggers and journalists critical of the Baathist regime, remain imprisoned in Syrian jails without any trials.
The country remains under a state of emergency when the Baath Party seized power in 1963. The four major organs of security forces are the air force intelligence, general intelligence directorate, military intelligence and the political security directorate. These agencies, known as Mukhabarat (intelligence), enjoy wide ranging powers including the right to detain any person on suspicion for longer periods without any arrest warrant.
Syria is one of the most repressive countries in the world in terms of freedom of expression and information. Criticism of the president, ruling Baath party or discussions on the ethno-religious issues in Syria remain particularly sensitive and are often punished.
The repression comes despite the fact that Syrian constitution enshrines the right of every citizen “to freely and openly express his/her views in words, in writing, and through all other means of expression,” while also guaranteeing “the freedom of the press, of printing, and publication in accordance with the law.” AUTOCRACY
Autocracy comes from the Greek words: “autos” meaning “self” and “kratos” meaning “power.” In an autocratic system, one person or group holds all the power, without the participation, or sometimes even the consent, of the people. It is considered as the opposite of democracy.
An autocracy lacks political competition, transparency, freedom of expression, right to have a different opinion, human rights framework, and accountability of state institutions. The autocrat of a country will definitely claim, in theory, the existence of such rights and will ask the state institutions to observe them. However, in practice, there won’t be any checks and balances or the precedent of such rights existing and laws observed by the state.
Egypt under the reign of Hosni Mubarak could be termed as a classical autocratic state where any form of dissent was not tolerated. The state was put under the firm control of the security apparatus that kept a lid on political activities, muzzled the press, and tortured opponents of the regime. Everything revolved around the policies of his cronies, known as the National Democratic Party.
Mubarak, who came in power in October 1981, stayed clung onto it by “winning” four presidential elections – three of which were not contested by any candidate and the other by a landslide. The existence of the parliament was nothing more than a sham, which acted as a rubberstamp and approved Mubarak’s authoritarian policies without any debate. The formation of political parties was technically impossible if not constitutionally restricted.
The presence of the Egyptian autocrat was overwhelming. His portraits were hung in the government offices, the parliament, courts and public places. The intention of such imposing existence was to make sure that Mubarak is present on the public psyche all around the clock with absolute control. A whole generation grew up watching him in power, who always asked the people to cooperate with the government and help him defeat the imaginary ‘enemies of the state’.
IRAN NUCLEAR DEAL
A landmark Iran nuclear agreement was reached between Iran and six world powers is a historic step forward that solves an over-a-decade-long stand-off between Iran and the West. The agreement looks like a “win-win deal” for all sides.
Under its terms, sanctions imposed by the U.S., the European Union and the UN would be lifted, in return for Iran agreeing to long-term curbs on its nuclear programme.
All of Iran’s nuclear facilities would be allowed to continue operations. This provision will let the Iranian government sell the deal to its public, pointing out that its right to generate nuclear energy stays intact.
Tehran has also agreed to a “snapback” mechanism, under which some sanctions could be reinstated after 65 days if it violated the deal.
A UN weapons embargo would remain for five years and a ban on buying missile technology for eight years.
Global implications
It sets the stage for a radical realignment of equations in West Asia, and has the potential to transform the conflict-ridden region in the long term.
The U.S. would like Iran to no longer be a spoiler power and instead play a stabilising role in West Asia, suited to its interests. On the other hand, before effecting any structural change in its foreign policy orientation, Iran would seek strategic assurance from Washington that it would not return to anti-Iranism.
Cooperation between US-Iran: Tehran and Washington are engaged in Syria and Iraq. They share common interests in Afghanistan.
Opposition to deal
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he and his Cabinet are united in “strongly opposing” an emerging framework agreement on curbing.
Powerful sections, including the Republicans in the U.S., hardliners in Iran, and the Israelis and Saudis, remain steadfastly opposed to a U.S.-Iran rapprochement.
India’s benefit
A peaceful, stable Iran is vital for its interests, particularly for energy security and connectivity.
India has tried hard to maintain its civilizational ties with Teheran in the face of international sanctions, and pressure from the US. However bilateral trade with Iran has suffered because of banking and insurance strictures. India and Iran have an annual bilateral trade of about $14 billion, with an extremely high balance of trade problem.
The big advantage for India could be a further reduction in the price of oil that India used to source at a much higher quantity pre-2012, when Iran was India’s second biggest supplier.
An important benefit of a peace agreement will also be a renewed push to complete the Chabahar port route to Afghanistan, which for India could mean the opening up of Iran-Afghanistan trade and also a route to Central Asia.
Many people in India perceive the Mausam Project and the Spice Route as rivals to the Maritime Silk Road.
YEMEN CRISIS
A United Nations-backed ceasefire between the Saudi-allied forces and Shia Houthi rebels took effect in Yemen.
Yemen Conflict time line
September 21, 2014: Houthi rebels seize government and military sites in Sana’a. Rival groups sign a U.N.- brokered peace deal stipulating a Houthi withdrawal from the capital and formation of a new government.
October 14, 2014: The Houthis seize the Red Sea port of Hodeida, 230 km west of Sana’a, then move toward the centre without opposition from government forces but face fierce resistance from AQAP and its tribal allies.
January 20, 2015: Houthis attack Mr. Hadi’s residence and seize the presidential palace, and the President and Prime Minister resign two days later.
February 6, 2015: The rebels announce they have dissolved Parliament and installed a presidential council to run the country. The United States and Gulf monarchies accuse Iran of backing the Houthis. In the south and southeast, authorities reject what they brand a coup attempt.
February 21, 2015: Mr. Hadi flees south to Aden after escaping from weeksunder house arrest and urges the international community to “reject the coup,” rescinding his resignation and subsequently declaring Aden the temporary capital.
Saudi Arabia led air strikes
The advance of the Houthis raised Saudi fears that the Shia minority rebels would seize control of the whole of its Sunni majority neighbour and take it into the orbit of Shia Iran.
Saudi Arabia, spearheaded a coalition of nine Arab states, began carrying out airstrikes in neighbouring Yemen on 25 March 2015, heralding the start of a military intervention in Yemen,codenamed Operation Decisive Storm.
The airstrikes that followed have transformed Yemen into another arena for the regional struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
But after a year of relentless bombing by Riyadh, the Houthis still hold the capital city and control much of western Yemen.
The stateless chaos amid a disastrous war has helped al-Qaeda expand its footprint steadily in the country and also country is facing serious humanitarian crisis.
Observers say the fighting in the strategic Mideast nation is taking on the appearance of a proxy war between Iran, the Shiite powerhouse backing the Houthis, and Sunni-dominated Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia, the main Sunni power, believes that the rebels are backed militarily, financially and politically by its Shia regional arch-rival.
The real reason for the conflict lies in the complex geopolitics of the region. Saudi Arabia sees the Houthis as a front for Iran and does not want a Shia-dominated government in its backyard.
Impact of conflict on Yemen
The conflict has ruined large parts of the country and raised tensions in West Asia, with Saudi Arabia and its Sunni allies backing the government and Shia powerhouse Iran supporting the rebels.
Rise of extremist
The stateless chaos amid a disastrous war has helped al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) expand its footprint steadily in the country, and it now runs a mini state from southeastern Yemen.
Humanitarian catastrophe
The war has turned Yemen into a humanitarian catastrophe.
More than 6,000 people, half of them civilians, have been killed since the Saudi bombing started, and about two million have been displaced.
An estimated 80 per cent of the population needs humanitarian assistance, while millions of children face malnutrition.
Way forward
Three previous attempts to reach a ceasefire had collapsed mainly due to difference between Iran and Saudi Arabia.
The ceasefire to succeed, the regional powers should set aside their geopolitical games and come together to address the humanitarian problem pragmatically.
Any practical solution will require an end to external military intervention and a cessation of violence, followed by the formation of a government of national unity. These cannot be achieved unless Iran and Saudi Arabia cooperate, and in a manner that puts their selfish interests aside.
Who are the Houthis?
The Houthis are followers of the Shia Zaidi sect, the faith of around a third of Yemen’s population. Officially known as Ansarallah (the partisans of God), the group began as a movement preaching tolerance and peace in the Zaidi stronghold of North Yemen in the early 1990s. The group takes its name from Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, who launched an insurgency in 2004.
The group launched an insurgency in 2004 against the then ruler Ali Abdullah Saleh that lasted till 2010. They participated in the 2011 Arab Spring inspired revolution in Yemen that replaced Saleh with Abdrahbu Mansour Hadi.
They subsequently participated in a National Dialogue Conference (NDC), which led to President Hadi announcing plans in February 2014 for Yemen to become a federation of six regions.
2011 March – Security forces shoot dead protestors in southern city of Deraa demanding release of political prisoners, triggering violent unrest that steadily spread nationwide over the following months.
2011 protests
Pro-democracy protests erupted in 2011; the government responded with violence
President Assad announces conciliatory measures, releasing dozens of political prisoners, dismissing government, lifting 48-year-old state of emergency.
2011 May – Army tanks enter Deraa, Banyas, Homs and suburbs of Damascus in an effort to crush anti-regime protests. US and European Union tighten sanctions. President Assad announces amnesty for political prisoners.
2011 June – The government says that 120 members of the security forces have been killed by “armed gangs” in the northwestern town of Jisr al-Shughour. Troops besiege the town and more than 10,000 people flee to Turkey. President Assad pledges to start a “national dialogue” on reform.
2011 June – The IAEA nuclear watchdog decides to report Syria to the UN Security Council over its alleged covert nuclear programme reactor programme. The structure housing the alleged reactor was destroyed in an Israeli air raid in 2007.
Opposition organises
2011 July – President Assad sacks the governor of the northern province of Hama after mass demonstration there, eventually sending in troops to restore order at the cost of scores of lives.
2011 October – New Syrian National Council says it has forged a common front of internal and exiled opposition activists.
2011 November – Arab League votes to suspend Syria, accusing it of failing to implement an Arab peace plan, and imposes sanctions.
Civil war
The uprising against President Assad gradually turned into a full-scale civil war
2011 December – Twin suicide bombs outside security buildings in Damascus kill 44, the first in a series of large blasts in the the capital that continue into the following summer.
2012 February – Government steps up the bombardment of Homs and other cities.
International pressure:
2012 March – UN Security Council endorses non-binding peace plan drafted by UN envoy Kofi Annan. China and Russia agree to support the plan after an earlier, tougher draft is modified.
2012 May – France, UK, Germany, Italy, Spain, Canada and Australia expel senior Syrian diplomats in protest at killing of more than a hundred civilians in Houla, near Homs.
Opposition rifts
Divisions and concern about the role of Islamists have bedevilled the opposition
2012 June – Turkey changes rules of engagement after Syria shoots down a Turkish plane, declaring that if Syrian troops approach Turkey’s borders they will be seen as a military threat.
2012 July – Free Syria Army blows up three security chiefs in Damascus and seizes Aleppo in the north.
2012 August – Prime Minister Riad Hijab defects, US President Obama warns that use of chemical weapons would tilt the US towards intervention.
2012 October – Syria-Turkish tension rises when Syrian mortar fire on a Turkish border town kills five civilians. Turkey returns fire and intercepts a Syrian plane allegedly carrying arms from Russia.
Fire in Aleppo destroys much of the historic market as fighting and bomb attacks continue in various cities.
2012 November – National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces formed in Qatar, excludes Islamist militias. Arab League stops short of full recognition.
Israeli military fire on Syrian artillery units after several months of occasional shelling from Syrian positions across the Golan Heights, the first such return of fire since the Yom Kippur War of 1973.
2012 December – US, Britain, France, Turkey and Gulf states formally recognise opposition National Coalition as “legitimate representative” of Syrian people.
2013 January – Syria accuses Israeli jets of attacking a military research centre near Damascus, but denies reports that lorries carrying weapons bound for Lebanon were hit. Unverified reports say Israel had targeted an Iranian commander charged with moving weapons of mass destruction to Lebanon.
International donors pledge more than $1.5bn (£950m) to help civilians affected by the conflict in Syria.
2013 March – Syrian warplanes bomb the northern city of Raqqa after rebels seize control. US and Britain pledge non-military aid to rebels.
Chemical arms claims
Government forces have faced – and denied – repeated allegations of chemical weapons use
Rise of Islamists
2013 June – Government and allied Lebanese Hezbollah forces recapture strategically-important town of Qusair between Homs and Lebanese border.
2013 July – Saudi-backed Ahmed Jarba becomes leader of opposition National Coalition, defeating Qatar-backed rival.
2013 September – UN weapons inspectors conclude that chemical weapons were used in an attack on the Ghouta area of Damascus in August that killed about 300 people, but do not explicitly allocate responsibility.
2013 October – President Assad allows international inspectors to begin destroying Syria’s chemical weapons on the basis of a US-Russian agreement.
2013 December – US and Britain suspend “non-lethal” support for rebels in northern Syria after reports that Islamist rebels seized bases of Western-backed Free Syrian Army.
2014 January-February – UN-brokered peace talks in Geneva fail, largely because Syrian authorities refuse to discuss a transitional government.
2014 March – Syrian Army and Hezbollah forces recapture Yabroud, the last rebel stronghold near the Lebanese border.
2014 May – Hundreds of rebels are evacuated from their last stronghold in the central city of Homs. The withdrawal marks the end of three years of resistance in the city.
‘Caliphate’ in east
2014 June – UN announces removal of Syria’s chemical weapons material complete.
Islamic State of Iraq and Syria militants declare “caliphate” in territory from Aleppo to eastern Iraqi province of Diyala.
2014 August – Tabqa airbase, near the northern city of Raqqa, falls to Islamic State militants, who now control all of Raqqa province.
2014 September – US and five Arab countries launch air strikes against Islamic State around Aleppo and Raqqa.
2015 January – Kurdish forces push Islamic State out of Kobane on Turkish border after four months of fighting.
2015 March -Opposition offensives push back government forces. New Jaish al-Fatah (Army of Conquest) Islamist rebel alliance, backed by Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, captures provincial capital of Idlib.
2015 May – Islamic State fighters seize the ancient city of Palmyra in central Syria and proceed to destroy many monuments at pre-Islamic World Heritage site.
Jaish al-Fatah takes control of Idlib Province, putting pressure on government’s coastal stronghold of Latakia.
2015 June – Kurds take Ain Issa and border town of Tal Abyad, Islamic State attacks Kobane and seizes part of Hassakeh, the main city in north-eastern Syria.
Russian intervention
2015 September – Russia carries out its first air strikes in Syria, saying they target the Islamic State group, but the West and Syrian opposition say it overwhelmingly targets anti-Assad rebels.
2015 December – Britain joins US-led bombing raids against Islamic State in wake of Paris suicide bombing attacks.
Syrian Army allows rebels to evacuate remaining area of Homs, returning Syria’s third-largest city to government control after four years.
2016 February – A US-Russian-brokered partial ceasefire is agreed but fails to stick, as do repeated subsequent attempts.
2016 March – Syrian government forces retake Palmyra from Islamic State, with Russian air assistance.
2016 August – Turkish troops cross into Syria to help rebel groups push back so-called Islamic State militants and Kurdish-led rebels from a section of the two countries’ border.
2016 December – Government troops, backed by Russian air power and Iranian-sponsored militas, recaptures Aleppo, the country’s largest city, depriving the rebels of their last major urban stronghold.
Palestine-Israel issue
Introduction
Few international disputes have generated as much emotion, passion, anguish, and diplomatic gridlock as∙ the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict. Rooted in decades of clashes over religion, borders, and territory, the dispute between Israelis and∙ Palestinians has engulfed scores of politicians, diplomats, and others in a peace process in which the ultimate goal has been tantalizingly close on numerous occasions only to be dismantled at the 11th hour. While the tortured history of the conflict dates back more than a century.
Historical Background
In the aftermath of WWI, the Holocaust in which six million Jewish people were killed, more Jewish peoplewanted their own country.
The European powers awarded Britain the right to determine Palestine’s fate. In 1937, desperate to separate∙ the feuding Jewish and Arab communities, Britain recommended partition of Palestine into two sovereign states, Arab and Jewish.
The Arabs rejected this proposal, unwilling to cede what they felt was Arab land to yet another colonial∙ power.
Following the Holocaust, Jewish refugees from Europe and Arab lands streamed into Palestine, and Jewish‐∙ Arab conflicts intensified. When partition was suggested a second time in 1947, and Israeli statehood was declared in 1948 with the support of a United Nations vote, Palestinians and surrounding Arab nations were ready to go to war for complete control of the territory. Jews, by now almost a third of its population, were prepared to defend their embryonic state.
The ensuing∙ War of Independence saw more than 700,000 Arabs fleeing the territory, becoming refugees under Israeli, Egyptian, or Jordanian rule. In 1948, the two sides went to war.
When it ended, Gaza was controlled by Egypt and another area, the West Bank, by Jordan. They contained∙ thousands of Palestinians who fled what was now the new Jewish home, Israel.
While the traditional Zionist narrative asserted that Arab leaders encouraged their constituents to flee (with∙ the promise of eventual victory and return), recent scholarship has shown that Jewish fighters did, at times, forcefully evict Arabs.
Eventually, the area designated for Palestinian sovereignty was conquered by Jordan’s Arabian monarchy.∙ Jerusalem was left a war zone, and an independent Palestinian state never emerged.
During the 1948 and 1967 wars hundreds of thousands of Palestinians left, or were forced out of, their∙ homes and moved to neighboring countries to become refugees. More than 4.6 million Palestinians are refugees and their descendants, many living in camps in the West∙ Bank, Gaza Strip, Syria, Jordan and Lebanon.
They get help from the United Nations. Though the Palestinians don’t have an army, rockets are regularly fired from Gaza into Israel. Israelis living in∙ border towns are used to having to take shelter and adapting their lives to deal with the rockets.
UN Partition Plan
Finally, in 1947 the United Nations decided to intervene. However, rather than adhering to the principle of “self‐determination of peoples,” in which the people themselves create their own state and system of government, the UN chose to revert to the medieval strategy whereby an outside power divides up other people’s land.
Under considerable Zionist pressure, the UN recommended giving away 55% of Palestine to a Jewish state‐ despite the fact that this group represented only about 30% of the total population, and owned fewer than 7% of the land
1947-1949 War
While it is widely reported that the resulting war eventually included five Arab armies, less well known is the∙ fact that throughout this war Zionist forces outnumbered all Arab and Palestinian combatants combined – often by a factor of two to three. Moreover, Arab armies did not invade Israel – virtually all battles were fought on land that was to have been the Palestinian state.
Finally, it is significant to note that Arab armies entered the conflict only after Zionist forces had committed∙ 16 massacres, including the grisly massacre of over 100 men, women, and children at Deir Yassin. Future Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, head of one of the Jewish terrorist groups, described this as “splendid,” and stated: “As in Deir Yassin, so everywhere, we will attack and smite the enemy. God, God, Thou has chosen us for conquest.” Zionist forces committed 33 massacres altogether.
By the end of the war, Israel had conquered 78 percent of Palestine; three‐quarters of a million Palestinians had been made refugees; over 500 towns and villages had been obliterated; and a new map was drawn up, in which every city, river and hillock received a new, Hebrew name, as all vestiges of the Palestinian culture were to be erased. For decades Israel denied the existence of this population, former Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir once saying: “There was no such thing as Palestinians.
1967 War & USS Liberty
In 1967, Israel conquered still more land. Following the “Six Day War,” in which Israeli forces launched a highly successful surprise attack on Egypt, Israel occupied the final 22% of Palestine that had eluded it in 1948 – the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Since, according to international law it is inadmissible to acquire territory by war, these are occupied territories and do not belong to Israel. It also occupied parts of Egypt (since returned) and Syria (which remain under occupation).
Also during the Six Day War, Israel attacked a US Navy ship, the USS Liberty, killing and injuring over 200 American servicemen. President Lyndon Johnson recalled rescue flights, saying that he did not want to “embarrass an ally.” (In 2004 a high‐level commission chaired by Admiral Thomas Moorer, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, found this attack to be “an act of war against the United States,” a fact few news.
UN Security Council
The UN Security Council passed Resolution 242, which called for peace between Israel and its neighbors in exchange for Israel giving back the land it had acquired during the Six Day War. Negotiations about how to implement it went nowhere. The Sinai was returned to Egypt under a separate peace deal in 1979, but the Golan Heights and the Palestinian territories remain under occupation.
The Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and Gaza were not given citizenship in Israel or equal protection or benefits under the law. The Israeli government also violated the Geneva Conventions by confiscating Palestinian land and water resources and building settlements on the West Bank and Gaza. For twenty years, the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza were a traumatized, defeated, docile population, routinely humiliated by soldiers and used as cheap labor in the Israeli economy.
First Intifada
Then in 1987, the Palestinian population collectively rose up against Israel’s repressive policies. The uprising, which became known as the first Intifada, was characterized by mass civil disobedience, general strikes, boycotts, refusals to pay taxes, and Palestinian youths throwing stones at Israeli tanks and soldiers. The word intifada means ‘shaking off,’ and this was the Palestinians first attempt to assert their own national identity rather than waiting for Arab armies or the UN to do it for them.
More than 1,100 Palestinians and 150 Israelis were killed in the ensuing five years, and tens of thousands more Palestinians were injured or arrested. The conflict was a public relations disaster for Israel. Videos were shown around the world of Palestinians armed only with flags and slingshots facing down tanks, and of Israeli soldiers beating terrified Palestinian children.
Israel began to lose its cherished image as the David against the Arab Goliath. Instead it began to be seen as the Goliath against the Palestinian David. Israelis also began to realize that the occupation could not be maintained indefinitely without cost. Many on the Israeli left began to oppose the occupation.
The Intifada also worried Yasser Arafat, the head of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), a coalition of Palestinian nationalist resistance groups with Fatah at its center. Founded in 1964, it was admitted to the UN with observer status in 1974 and was regarded as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
It initially operated out of Jordan and Lebanon, engaging in guerrilla tactics in an attempt to regain Palestine by force of arms. It was expelled from Jordan in 1971 by King Hussein, then expelled from Lebanon in 1982 by Israel, at which point it fled to Tunisia.
By the time the Intifada broke out, the PLO was largely out of touch with life in the Palestinian territories. It had played no part in leading or organizing the Intifada. In 1988, in order to gain recognition for the PLO and save himself from irrelevance, Arafat agreed to recognize Israel and renounce terrorism. It was a historic compromise. He unilaterally surrendered Palestinian claims to 78% of historic Palestine and agreed to focus aspirations for Palestinian statehood solely on the remaining 22% ‐ the West Bank and Gaza. Five years later, in 1993, Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin signed the Oslo Accords, hailed as a blueprint for peace between the two peoples.
It was the first time Israelis and Palestinians publicly recognized each other as partners for negotiations toward peace rather than enemies who might be defeated by force of arms. (In October 1994, Israel signed a peace treaty with Jordan, leaving Syria and Lebanon the only countries bordering Israel still in a state of conflict with it.) After that, the ‘two‐state solution’ became the mantra of the mainstream.
The Accords created the Palestinian Authority (PA), headed by Arafat and his associates and based in Ramallah. It had limited administrative and security duties in the West Bank and Gaza while Israel retained control of water, airspace, borders, imports, exports, residency, travel, taxation, currency, etc.
This arrangement was supposed to last for a five‐year period during which Israel and the PA would engage in trust‐building measures and negotiate final‐status issues such as East Jerusalem, refugees, borders, and settlements. It was hoped that an independent Palestinian state‐and peace‐would follow.
Second Intifada
The explosive atmosphere reached a flashpoint in September of 2000, when the second Intifada erupted.Soon afterwards, Israelis voted in a new Prime Minister ‐‐ Ariel Sharon of the right‐wing Likud party. The unrest spiraled from Palestinian protests and deadly Israeli repression into riots, assassinations, suicide bombings, and massive Israeli military incursions. The conflict became known as the second Intifada.
India’s balanced attitude since past
India’s balancing act between its Israeli and Palestinian friends is a relatively recent phenomenon. For most of its pre and post‐independence history, New Delhi viewed the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict through an ideological lens and in zero‐sum terms, pursuing a foreign policy antagonistic towards the Jewish state.
India was one of the first nations to recognise Palestine’s cause and it was the first non‐Arab state to∙ recognise the Palestinian Liberation Organisation as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people in 1974.
In fact, India refused to grant Israel full diplomatic recognition until 1992, the last major non‐Muslim country to do so. Such hostility towards Israel is surprising given the similarities the two countries share.
Both nations are former members of the British colonial system, are surrounded by traditionally hostile states, are islands of democracy in the middle of generally undemocratic regions, and are constant victims of Islamic extremism. Despite these similarities, New Delhi maintained an unsympathetic posture towards Israel from its earliest days.
Several factors, including a fear of alienating its large Muslim population, Cold War politics, a desire to counter Pakistan’s influence in the Muslim world, and a need to garner Arab support for its position over the Kashmir issue compelled New Delhi to pursue an exclusively pro‐Arab and thus pro‐Palestinian foreign policy for more than forty years. Such a policy translated into India reflexively condemning Jewish aspirations in Palestine and later the Jewish∙ state itself while instinctively supporting the Palestinian position.
After more than four decades of such policy imbalance, however, a host of developments, notably the end of Cold War, exposed the discredited and anachronistic assumptions underlying India’s Middle East policy, and forced New Delhi to recalibrate its approach towards the region to reflect new international realities. India’s cherished Non‐Aligned Movement (NAM) lost its validity following the end of the Cold War and with it, New Delhi’s ideological justification for its staunchly pro‐Palestinian and anti‐Israeli position.
Additionally, the 1991 Madrid Peace Process prompted India to conclude that if the Arab world and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) were now willing to negotiate with Israel, New Delhi had no reason to maintain the status quo. India also realized by this time that its longstanding and unqualified support for the Palestinians had reaped few, if any, dividends for New Delhi over the Kashmir issue or any other dispute involving Pakistan for that matter. New Delhi has continued to deepen its relations with Israel while simultaneously showcasing its ties to the Palestinians, deftly pursuing both bilateral relationships in tandem. That neither side sees any inconsistency in India doing so is a testament to New Delhi’s newfound diplomatic dexterity.
India’s skillful balancing act between its Israeli and Palestinian counterparts is an enlightening illustration of the transformation Indian foreign policy has experienced since the end of the Cold War.
Although India has not entirely jettisoned some of its outdated instincts that previously shaped its approach to the region, it is no longer guided by zero‐sum calculations or held hostage by outdated ideologies.
Present India-Israel relations
Abandoning ideology for pragmatism and zero‐sum calculations for a more fair balanced approach, India finally extended full diplomatic recognition to Israel in 1992. Ties between the two countries have flourished since then with India and Israel sharing a congruence of interests in several areas and embarking on a multidimensional “strategic partnership” as a result.
The two natural allies have made counter terrorism and military cooperation the center piece of their bilateral relations, which is unsurprising considering both countries share similar strategic outlooks and face constant assault from Islamic terrorism.
New Delhi has benefited from Israel’s expertise in counterterrorism training and border security, while Israel has emerged as one of India’s most important sources of sophisticated military equipment and weapons systems. Economic cooperation as well as collaboration in space research, trade, science and technology, and education is also thriving between India and Israel.
Although India’s dynamic relationship with Israel advances a series of critically important Indian interests, New Delhi has not allowed its robust ties with the Jewish state to dilute its historic bonds with the Palestinian people. Whether India can sustain the success it has achieved is yet to be seen, but so far, India’s new foreign policy calculus towards the Middle East is a welcome departure from decades past.
India-Palestine relations
India’s solidarity with the Palestinian people and its attitude to the Palestinian question was given voice through our freedom struggle by Mahatma Gandhi. India’s empathy with the Palestinian cause and its friendship with the people of Palestine have become an integral part of its time‐tested foreign policy.
In 1947, India voted against the partition of Palestine at the United Nations General Assembly. India was the first Non‐Arab State to recognize PLO as sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people in 1974. India was one of the first countries to recognize the State of Palestine in 1988. In 1996, India opened its Representative Office to the Palestine Authority in Gaza, which later was shifted to Ramallah in 2003.
Apart from the strong political support to the Palestinian cause at international and bilateral levels, India has been contributing, since long time, material and technical assistance to the Palestinian people. With the Government of India’s aid, two projects were completed in the field of higher education i.e. Jawaharlal Nehru Library at the Al Azhar University in Gaza city and the Mahatma Gandhi Library‐cum‐Student Activity Centre at the Palestine Technical College at Deir Al Balah in the Gaza Strip.
Under India‐Brazil‐South Africa (IBSA) Forum’s assistance, an Indoor Multi‐purpose Sports Complex has been constructed in Ramallah Al Quds hospital in Gaza is in the process of reconstruction and the process of building a rehabilitation centre in Nablus has started. Trade between India and Palestine has shown steady improvement.
Products imported from India include fabrics, yarns, readymade garments, household appliances, stationery products, leather products, industrial tools and accessories, basmati rice, spices, vaccines and pharmaceutical products, sanitary wares, marble and granites.
India’s recent steps towards Israel and Palestine
Belief that is growing as India’s tilt towards the Israel is shown by following incidence:
Increase in burgeoning military relationship of India with Israel.
India refused to vote against Israel in a resolution related to strikes in Gaza over a period of two months in 2014 that left more than 2,200 dead, including 1,462 Palestinian civilians. The vote was on a report, submitted during the UNHRC’s summer session in Geneva a year later that blamed Israel for what it called “extensive use of weapons with a wide kill and injury radius.
India’s abstention from voting can be termed as a departure from India’s traditional position on Palestine∙ that has remained unwavering since the last seven decades.
India’s engagement with Israel has grown substantially in the last two decades on military, scientific, commercial and agricultural matters.
The affinity has been less ideological than pragmatic, each side understanding the other’s needs. Israel remains uncomfortable about India’s close ties with Iran, just as India looks warily at Israel’s relationship with China.
Five Central Asian states have significant disagreements among themselves, and development trajectories have increasingly diverged since the end of the Soviet Union. Kazakhstan is a stable, relatively open middle-income country, whereas Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are impoverished, chaotic, and poised on the verge of state failure.
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan—with significant human and industrial capital (Uzbekistan) and hydrocarbon resources (Turkmenistan) but leadership wary of engaging with the outside world— are somewhere in between.
Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan are also affected by their proximity to Afghanistan and the potential for Afghanistan’s instability to spread across the border. Kazakhstan, which does not share a border with Afghanistan, sees it as less of a threat.
Many participants noted that the Central Asian governments are particularly concerned about the consequences of a precipitous U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. Some worried that Afghanistan’s ills—including radicalism, violence, and drugs—could take hold within Central Asia itself if more is not done to stabilize the country before the United States and its allies withdraw, whereas others questioned how relevant the Afghan example is for the largely secular, non-Pashtun Central Asian states.
Recent bouts of instability in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have focused minds in the region on the dangers of negative spillover from Afghanistan. Conversely, a secure Afghanistan would represent a potential resource for Central Asia. It sits along the principal transit route between Central and South Asia and occupies part of the shortest route to the sea for landlocked Central
Asian states. For this reason Central Asian governments are playing an active role in promoting economic development in Afghanistan—a role that reinforces the U.S. coalition effort.
Backgrounder
Relations between India and Central Asia are ancient and civilisational.
India has been connected closely with Central Asia through the Silk Route from circa 3rd century BC till 15th century AD when the sea route from Europe to India was discovered. This made the land journey unviable because it was more risky, longer in duration, more expensive and volumes of cargo that could be carried by sea-faring vessels were much larger than by caravans over the land route.
The Silk Route connected India with Central Asia not only for transportation of goods and wares like silk, textiles, spices etc but was an effective channel of exchange of thoughts, ideas, religion and philosophy. Budhism travelled over this route from India to Central Asia and from there to West China in contemporary Xinjiang region.
In medieval times, Babar came from Fergana Valley after losing his kingdom to try his fortune in foreign lands.
During the Soviet period culture, music, dance, movies and literature bound the Soviet Republics closely with India. Political contacts grew and expanded with frequent exchange of visits. Visit by Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India accompanied by his daughter Indira Gandhi to Almaty, Tashkent and Ashgabat in 1955 brought the region closer to India. Popularity of iconic Bollywood stars like Raj Kapoor, Nargis, Mithun Chakraborty and others brought India into the homes and hearts of common people of this region.
Bilateral relations however suffered considerable neglect in the 25 years after emergence of these countries as independent States in 1991.
Salient features:
None of the five Central Asian States had to fight for its independence from the Soviet Union. Freedom was granted to these countries as a gift. They were not confident about their financial and economic viability, and survival as independent states. Hence they were the last to declare their independence, eg. Kazakhstan on December 16, 1991, Uzbekistan on September 1, 1991 while Russia had announced its freedom in June, 1990.
All these countries are landlocked. Some of them are doubly landlocked. It is generally assumed that unless countries have access to warm-water seas, they will not be able to develop fruitful economic relations with the outside world. These countries hence felt that it will be difficult for them to prosper as they do not have access to seas.
Most Central Asian States particularly Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have converted the perceived disadvantage of being landlocked into an asset by constructing a web and network of roads, railways, highways, oil and gas pipelines cris-crossing from East to West and North to South to connect industrial and production hubs with consumer markets. Last few years have seen highways and railroads traversing from the East in China through Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to Europe, Russia, Iran and the Middle East. Similarly oil from Caspian Sea offshore facilities in Kazakhstan and gas from Turkmenistan is being shipped by pipelines to the western region of China.
Rich in Resources:
All Central Asian States are rich and well endowed potentially with mineral and hydroelectric resources.
Kazakhstan has the world’s second largest reserves and is the world’s largest producer — 23,000 tons of uranium in 2014.
It has almost all minerals on Mendeleev’s table including iron-ore, coal, oil, gas, gold, lead, zinc, molybdenum etc. in commercially viable quantities.
Uzbekistan has large reserves of gas, uranium and gold.
Turkmenistan is endowed with world’s fourth largest reserves of natural gas.
Tajikistan is blessed with huge hydroelectric potential. Kyrgyzstan is rich in gold and hydroelectric power.
Central Asian States have used the 25 years since independence in nation building and consolidation of their statehood.
Socio-economic development
Track record of these countries on socio-economic development is mixed.
Kazakhstan with its vast mineral resources has done better than others.
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan lag behind. Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan remain closed and controlled societies.
Uzbekistan is a potential leader in Central Asia, but has difficult relations with its neighbours, namely Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan on water issues, and Kazakhstan to become the pre-eminent power in the region. Religious extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism pose challenges to these societies and to regional stability. Issues like water security, borders, environmental degradation and migration have become acute.
Central Asian republics face serious threat from illegal drug trade emanating from Afghanistan.
Traditionally, Central Asia has been an arena of ‘’great game’’.
The modern version is being played out even today. Russia, China, US, Turkey, Iran, Europe, EU, Japan, Pakistan, India, Afghanistan have substantial security and economic stakes in the region.
Importance of central Asia
Energy security
The countries of Central Asia are endowed with significant hydrocarbon and mineral resources and are close to India geographically.
Kazakhstan is the largest producer of uranium and has huge gas and oil reserves as well.
Uzbekistan is also rich is gas, and is an important regional producer of gold along with Kyrgyzstan.
Tajikistan has vast hydropower potential besides oil, deposits, and Turkmenistan has the fourth largest gas reserves of the world.
Strategic Location
Geographically, the strategic location of these countries makes them a bridge between different regions of Asia and between Europe and Asia.
Trade and Investment potential
The economic development of Central Asia, especially in Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, has sparked a construction boom and development of sectors like IT, pharmaceuticals and tourism.
India has expertise in these sectors and deeper cooperation will give a fresh impetus to trade relations with these countries.
There is a great demand for Indian pharmaceutical products in the region.
Security:
To tackle the challenge of terrorism, narcotics trafficking and arms smuggling.
To counter terrorism and radicalization:
Keeping a check on the rise of radical Islamist groups that may pose a threat to India’s security.
Religious extremism, fundamentalism and terrorism continue to pose challenges to Central Asian societies as well as regional stability.
The Fergana Valley remains a hot spot of fundamentalism. Central Asian republics face serious threat from illegal drug trade emanating from Afghanistan. Instability in Central Asia can spill over into India .
Stabilization of Afghanistan:
Central Asian nations and India can play effectively role in bringing normalcy in Afghanistan.
Two of these countries — Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan — are in the Caspian littoral, thereby promising to open the door to other energy-rich Caspian states.
Regional cooperation: Four central Asian Nations are part of SCO.
Challenges
Land locked region: Central Asian region is land locked. It has hampered India’s relation with central Asia.
Poor connectivity has also contributed to the below-par trade between India and Central Asia.
The key constraint India faces is the lack of direct access to Central Asia.
The unstable situation in Afghanistan and a highly problematic India-Pakistan relation have deprived India from the benefit of relations with Central Asia.
Chinese presence: central Asia is part of Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) initiative.
Relations with India
India has not been able to take advantage of its civilisational and historical ties with the region as adequate attention was not accorded to the relations.
Another significant reason for the listless state of bilateral ties is that India does not share physical borders with any of the Central Asian states. This is a huge bottleneck in promoting and expanding economic, commercial, energy, tourist links etc. with them.
No direct route from India to these countries is available as Pakistan does not permit goods, cargo or people to move through its territory to Afghanistan, let alone to Central Asia beyond it.
Trade hence has been conducted with Central Asia through China. This is both time consuming and expensive.
Alternatively cargo has to be sent to by sea to Northern Europe from where it is transported by rail and road through Russia and other adjacent countries. India has registered significant progress in concluding a trilateral agreement for renovation of Chabahar port, development of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and becoming a member of Ashgabat Agreement.
India’s membership of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as also of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) should go a considerable way in bridging this gap.
India uses the instrumentality of soft power and its ready acceptability in Central Asia to strengthen bilateral ties.
There is immense interest in Indian classical dance, music, Bollywood films, yoga, literature etc. in these countries.
India regularly and frequently arranges cultural events in these countries and also provides scholarships for study in India of these disciplines by young men and women of these countries.
The Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) Programme is an effective instrument under which young professionals of these countries undergo training and human capacity development in areas ranging from banking, remote sensing and English speaking to agriculture, rural development and information technology in the premier institutions in India. This initiative exposes the youth of these countries to India’s economic progress as well as its civilisation and heritage. ITEC has significantly contributed to economic and social growth and development of beneficiary countries.
More energy and vigour needs to be imparted to the area of commercial and economic ties. One important reason for the uninspiring level of bilateral commercial ties is lack of authentic and up-to-date information on potential and possibilities available in this area.
Chambers of Commerce as well as official government agencies need to be more active to bridge the ‘’information deficit’’ between India and the region.
Private sector needs to look at these countries s with greater seriousness and focus. Our companies need to participate in trade fairs and organise single country trade fairs in major commercial and industrial centres of these countries.
The Indian Trade Promotion Organization (ITPO) needs to pay more attention to this region. Several private agencies also organize sale-cum-exhibition shows with 100-200 private companies in different cities. These shows provide greater exposure for Indian companies and products amongst business and consumers of these countries.
Significant opportunities exist for Indian companies to undertake projects for building infrastructure related to rail network, roads, highways, power stations, transmission lines, renewable energy, nuclear power etc in these countries.
Many projects are funded by international agencies and multilateral banks like ADB, EBRD, IBRD, IDB and others. It is expected that AIIB and NDB will also enter this market shortly. Indian companies with wide experience can make a significant contribution to development of this region.
Several areas present excellent opportunities for enhancing bilateral trade and economic cooperation. In addition to oil and gas, information technology, pharmaceuticals and textiles, areas like higher education, space, civil nuclear energy, small and medium business, power generation, food processing and agriculture present rich potential for deeper engagement
Central Asia and China
China enjoys a bilateral trade of USD 50 billion with Central Asia in comparison to India’s trade of USD 2 billion.
Moreover China imports about 20 million tons of oil from Kazakhstan and 40 bcm of gas from Turkmenistan in addition to large quantities of uranium and other minerals from these countries. On the contrary, India has imported just around 3000 tons of uranium from Kazakhstan and its first acquisition of Satpayev oil block off the Caspian sea shore in Kazakhstan commenced drilling operations.
China shares a border of more than 1500 kms with Kazakhstan, more than 850 kms with Kyrgyzstan and over 400 kms with Tajikistan. Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are also easily accessible through the land route. This provides it with a huge advantage over India.
China conducts its relations both bilaterally and through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
China’s primary thrust has been to make use of Central Asia’s vast mineral resources for its economic development — to supply the much needed consumer goods to Central Asia and to protect itself against the threat of “separatism, extremism and terrorism” from its Uyghur minority from Central Asian territories.
China has sought to build connectivity through networks of rail, road, oil and gas pipelines with and through the Central Asian countries.
Recent developments
Several significant developments have taken place in last few years.
The first:
most momentous is the bold and decisive move by PM Modi to visit all five Central Asian States in July, 2015, combining his travel with his tour to Ufa, Russia for the BRICS (and SCO) Summit.
His visit to these countries sent out a loud and clear message to the region and the world that India is determined to make up for lost time and expand its ties with these countries.
The second
significant development is decision at SCO Summit in Russia in July, 2015 to induct India (and Pakistan) as new members of the organisation.
India is expected to assume full membership of the organization at the forthcoming summit on June 23 and 24, 2016 in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. This will provide an opportunity to India’s Prime Minister to meet and interact with all his counterparts from Central Asia every year.
An important reason for India’s failure to fully realize potential of our partnership with this region is the infrequent contacts between leaders of these countries.
Annual SCO summits will provide a forum to leaders of these countries to meet and discuss issues of bilateral and regional interest.
An added advantage is that Russian leadership will also be present at these conclaves. Because of the historical association of Central Asia and India with Soviet Union/Russia, several possibilities exist to promote cooperation in security, defence, energy and economy with Central Asian region in conjunction with Russia.
The third
significant development, although confined to relations with only one Central Asian State and not the region as a whole, is commencement of construction of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline on Dec 13, 2015.
The 1800 km long pipeline is expected to be completed by end 2019. India is expected to receive about 13 bcm per annum once the pipeline is completed.
India’s Full membership of SCO
As of July 2015, India has been accorded full membership of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) along with Pakistan at its Ufa summit held in Russia.
SCO is a Eurasian economic, political and military organisation
HQ: Beijing, China
Established: 2001 in Shanghai by the leaders 6 countries viz. China, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan
Since 2005, India was having an Observer status of SCO and had applied for full membership in 2014. India would be finally ratified in the member list by 2016
Connecting the dots with SCO
Per Chinese and Russian scholars, creation of SCO helped address the security problems and enhance economic cooperation in the Central Asia region. The Western discourse, however, has tended to see the SCO as a mechanism to counter-balance the influence of the United States in the region. Both are correct!
SCO is considered and tagged as anti-west. Behind the veils, it is alleged that SCO is going to be a NATO like military alliance in East. You might expect a question on that line and be asked to put India’s context in place.
However, China exaggeratedly says that the SCO was founded on a principle of non-alignment and functions as an effective stabilizer for regional security and peace. China has always maintained that the focus of SCO is on combating the “three evil forces” – terrorism, separatism, and extremism – and other unconventional security menaces.
Advantage India?
There are multiple benefits for India as well as the SCO which is concerned with security and stability in the Eurasian space.
India’s presence will help moderate the anti-West bias of the grouping, which will calm Washington’s nerves to a considerable extent
Greater engagement with India will also aid the organisation’s capability to improve regional economic prosperity and security
Membership will give India an opportunity to play an active role in China’s Silk Road initiative which plans to link a new set of routes from the north and east of the country to an old network of routes in the greater Eurasian region.
Indian interest in International North-South Transport Corridor to connect Mumbai with Abbas port in Iran. This route is shorter than the existing Suez Canal and the Mediterranean Sea
SCO may also serve as guarantor for projects such as the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) and Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) pipelines, which are held by India due to security concerns.
India’s entry is also likely to tip the balance of power in favor of peace and stability in Afghanistan.
Challenges ahead for SCO?
It is naive to expect that India’s differences with China regarding the border or its ties with Pakistan will magically disappear. The inclusion of Pakistan in the SCO will also make it difficult for India to enjoy a level playing field.
Pakistan, which is embroiled in a domestic political crisis, may not be so willing to challenge hardliners in its country, and go along with India in promoting peace and stability in the Eurasian space. We have seen how Indo-Pak presence in SAARC makes it difficult to ink key pacts.
The clash of interests in a post – 2014 Afghanistan makes prospects of cooperation difficult. There is also a possibility that China may collude with Pakistan to suffocate India’s voice in the decision making process.
Other than that, India will have to balance the geopolitical ambitions of China and Russia to evolve a mutually beneficial framework.
PRIME MINISTER’S CENTRAL ASIA VISIT
PM visited the 5 Central Asian States — Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan.
India and Kyrgyzstan
India and Kyrgyzstan signed four agreements including one to boost defence cooperation and hold annual joint military exercises.
A joint exercise between India and Kyrgyzstan Khanjar 2015 has just been completed.
List of agreement signed during the Prime minister visit
1. Agreement on Defence Cooperation
2. Memorandum of Mutual Understanding and Cooperation in the field of Elections
3. MoU between Ministry of Economy of Kyrgyzstan and Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) on cooperation in the sphere of Standards.
4. Agreement on Cooperation in Culture
India and Uzbekistan
On his first visit to Central Asian countries, Prime Minister held talks with Uzbekistan President Islam Karimov on key bilateral and regional issues including the situation in Afghanistan as the two countries inked three pacts to boost cooperation between their foreign offices and in the field of culture and tourism.
The two leaders also discussed ways to implement the contract for supply of uranium from mineral-rich
Uzbekistan signed in 2014 .The pact was signed for supply of 2,000 metric tonnes of the yellow cake.
List of agreement signed during the Prime minister visit:
Intergovernmental Agreement on cooperation in the field of tourism.Protocol on Cooperation between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Uzbekistan, and Ministry of External Affairs, Republic of India.
Intergovernmental Programme of Cultural Cooperation for 2015-17
India and Kazakhstan
India and Kazakhstan focused on boosting trade, energy, defence and security cooperation as Prime Minister held talks with Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev in Astana.
Kazakhstan, a leading uranium producer globally, will supply 5,000 tonnes of uranium to India during 2015-19.
Both leaders welcomed the establishment of a Joint Study Group between India and the Eurasian Economic Union on the feasibility of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA), which would boost trade.
List of agreement signed during the Prime minister visit:
Agreement on Transfer of Sentenced Persons
Agreement on Defence and Military – Technical Cooperation between Republic of India and Republic of Kazakhstan.
Memorandum of Understanding between Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports of Republic of India and
Ministry of Culture and Sports of Republic of Kazakhstan on Cooperation on Physical Cultural and Sports.
Memorandum of Understanding between Ministry of Railways of Republic of India and the Kazakhstan Temir Zholy of Republic of Kazakhstan on Technical Cooperation in the field of Railways
Long term contract between Department of Atomic Energy of Republic of India and JSC National atomic company “KazAtomProm’ for sale and purchase of natural uranium concentrates.
India and Turkmenistan
Prime Minister pitched for early implementation of the $ 10 billion TAPI gas pipeline project during his talks with Turkmenistan President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov as both countries inked seven pacts to ramp up engagement in key areas, including defence.
List of agreement signed during the Prime minister visit:
Memorandum of Understanding on supply of Chemical Products between the Indian Public Sector
Undertaking ‘Rashtriya Chemicals and Fertilizers Limited’ and the Turkmen State concern ‘Turkmenhimiya.’
Memorandum of Understanding between the Foreign Service Institute of the Ministry of External Affairs of the Republic of India and the Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan.
Agreement between the Ministry of Youth Affairs and sports of the Republic Of India and the State
Committee for sport of Turkmenistan on Cooperation in the field Of sports.
Programme of Cooperation in Science and Technology between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of Turkmenistan for the Period of 2015-2017.
Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of Turkmenistan on Cooperation in Yoga and Traditional Medicine.
Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of Turkmenistan on Cooperation in the field of Tourism.
Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Republic of
Turkmenistan on Cooperation in the field of Defence.
India and Tajikistan
India and Tajikistan pledged to intensify cooperation against terrorism, with Prime Minister noting that the two countries are located in the “proximity of the main source” of the menace, an apparent reference to Pakistan and Afghanistan.
List of agreement signed during the Prime minister visit:
Programme of Cooperation (POC) between Ministries of Culture of India and Tajikistan in the field of Culture for the years 2016-18.
Exchange of Note Verbale (NV) on setting up of Computer Labs in 37 Schools in Tajikistan.
Connect Central Asia Policy
India’s ‘Connect Central Asia’ Policy is a broad-based approach, including political, security, economic and cultural connections. on 12 June 2012 India’s Minister Of State for External Affairs Shri E. Ahamed gave a Keynote address at First India-Central Asia Dialogue.
He outlined some of the elements of India’s ‘Connect Central Asia’ policy as follows:
1. India will continue to build on our strong political relations through the exchange of high level visits. Its leaders will continue to interact closely both in bilateral and multilateral fora.
2. India will strengthen its strategic and security cooperation. India already has strategic partnerships in place with some Central Asian countries. In focus will be military training, joint research, counter-terrorism coordination and close consultations on Afghanistan.
3. India will step up multilateral engagement with Central Asian partners using the synergy of joint efforts through existing fora like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Eurasian Economic Community (EEC) and the Custom Union. India has already proposed a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement to integrate its markets with the unifying Eurasian space.
4. India looks to Central Asia as a long term partner in energy, and natural resources. Central Asia possesses large cultivable tracts of land and it sees potential for India to cooperate in production of profitable crops with value addition.
5. The medical field is another area that offers huge potential for cooperation. India is ready to extend cooperation by setting up civil hospitals/clinics in Central Asia.
6. India’s higher education system delivers at a fraction of the fees charged by Western universities. Keeping this in mind, India would like to assist in the setting up of a Central Asian University in Bishkek that could come up as a centre of excellence to impart world class education in areas like Information Technology, management, philosophy and languages.
7. India is working on setting up a Central Asian e-network with its hub in India, to deliver, tele-education and tele-medicine connectivity, linking all the five Central Asian States.
8. Indian companies can showcase its capability in the construction sector and build world class structures at competitive rates. Central Asian countries, especially Kazakhstan, have almost limitless reserves of iron ore and coal, as well as abundant cheap electricity. India can help set up several medium size steel rolling mills, producing its requirement of specific products.
9. As for land connectivity, India has reactivated the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). India & Central Asian nations need to join our efforts to discuss ways to bridge the missing links in the Corridor at the earliest and also work on other connecting spurs along the route.
10. Absence of a viable banking infrastructure in the region is a major barrier to trade and investment. Indian banks can expand their presence if they see a favourable policy environment.
11. India will jointly work to improve air connectivity between our countries. India is one of the biggest markets for outbound travelers estimated at USD 21 billion in 2011. Many countries have opened tourist offices in India to woo Indian tourists. Central Asian countries could emerge as attractive holiday destinations for tourists and even for the Indian film industry which likes to depict exotic foreign locales in its films.
12. Connections between our peoples are the most vital linkages to sustain our deep engagement. I would particularly like to emphasize exchanges between youth and the future leaders of India and Central Asia. India already has a robust exchange of students. India will encourage regular exchanges of scholars, academics, civil society and youth delegations to gain deeper insights into each other’s cultures.
Conclusion
Strengthening of relations between India and Central Asia is to mutual benefit of all countries involved. It is not directed at countering China’s presence in the region.
India is interested in expanding its ties with the region as it will promote security, stability, economic growth and development of all countries.
Good relations with India will provide an assured market to these countries for their energy, raw materials, oil and gas, uranium, minerals, hydro electric power etc. India is the fastest growing economy in the world today and can be a stable, assured, expanding market for these countries.
The current political, strategic and economic scenario, both regionally and internationally, presents immense challenges but also potential for India and Central Asia to qualitatively enhance their engagement.
Both India and Central Asia are factors of peace, stability, growth and development, in the region and the world.
Stronger relations between them will contribute to increased security and prosperity of these countries and the world.
In terms of a buffer, the purpose of Central Asia is in Indian eyes three-fold:
To prevent the creation of an ‘Islamic belt’ allied to Pakistan,
To forestall encirclement by either China or the USA, and finally.
To insulate India from the narco-terrorism that now plagues its northern borders.
This security dimension has driven Indian investment in Afghanistan and military cooperation with Tajikistan.
As a bridge
Central Asia provides a ‘near abroad’ market for India’s emerging export industries.
It also promises overland routes to the rich resources of Russia and the Middle East.
Perhaps most importantly for India’s short-term growth, the region possesses significant energy supplies at relatively short distance from Indian markets.
This is likely to become a defining factor as competition for resources with China intensifies. Significantly for India’s great power ambitions, some Central Asian governments support New Delhi for its candidacy for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and help foster a direct link with Russia, on whom India increasingly relies as counterweight to Chinese and US encroachments. This relationship is also important in terms of India’s historical relationship with the Soviet Union in the period of non-alignment.
The Central Asian states face a number of other common challenges:
Encouraging economic development without political instability;
Regional economic challenges;
Water management and the related water–energy nexus;
A ‘‘youth bulge’’ combined with limited economic opportunities (outside of Kazakhstan);
Cross-border migration;
Serious and worsening corruption;
Potentially restive minority populations (such as the ethnic Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan at the center of the summer’s violence);
Drug trafficking;
Nuclear proliferation; and
Managing succession in autocratic states without strong government or party institutions.
SCO
Context
The SCO annual meeting was recently held in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. This was a very important meeting from the Indian perspective, because for the first time, India participated in the meeting as a full Member.
SCO emerged from Shanghai Five (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan) which was founded in 1996 after demarcation of China’s borders with the four newly independent States that appeared after the collapse of Soviet Union in 1991. Shanghai Five was established to continue the momentum of friendship in the post-settlement phase. This was transformed into SCO with induction of Uzbekistan at Dushanbe in 2000.
It was created with an aim to strengthen mutual confidence and good-neighbourly relations among the member countries.
The Heads of State Council (HSC) is the highest decision-making body in the SCO.
It meets annually to take decisions and give instructions on all important issues of SCO activity. SCO has two permanent bodies – the Secretariat in Beijing and the Regional Counter-Terrorism Structure in Tashkent. SCO Secretary-General and RCTS Executive Committee Director are appointed by the HSC for a period of three years.
The official working languages of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization are Chinese and Russian. The SCO member states occupy a territory of around 30 million 189 thousand square kilometers, which makes up three fifths of the Eurasian continent. Member nations have a population of 1.5 billion, which makes up a quarter of the planet’s population.
Since its establishment, SCO has concluded several wide-ranging agreements on security, trade and investment, connectivity, energy club, SCO Bank, culture etc. Their implementation, however, remains uninspiring. This is partly because SCO lacks coherence. Having been created at China’s behest with Russian support, SCO is still grappling to evolve as a well-knit entity. Nevertheless, the significance of SCO cannot be underestimated because of the presence of large territorial and economic powers like Russia and China as also due to its geopolitical space.
Why India Matters To SCO?
Membership of India will add further heft and muscle to the Organization particularly in the backdrop of continuing weak international economy. India today is the fastest expanding global economy with annual GDP growth of 7.5%. It represents the third largest economy (USD 8 trillion) in PPP terms and seventh largest (USD 2.3 trillion) in nominal dollar terms.
It inspires confidence on other indicators like FDI, inward remittances, savings rate, the pace of economic reforms etc.
Its large market, favourable demographics and technological prowess augur well for economies of the world as well as of the grouping. Its growing energy demand will provide an assured market to resource-rich Central Asia and Russia.
SCO & INDIA
India had become Observer to the Organization at its 5th Summit in Astana, Kazakhstan in 2005.Since then India had subtly indicated its interest in playing a more substantive role in the development of the Organization.
SCO decided in 2009 to focus on its vertical consolidation before embarking on a horizontal expansion. Moratorium on expansion was lifted two years ago after which India formally applied to join the Organization. In 2015 the SCO was expanded and India and Pakistan became full members of the SCO.
What’s In It For India?
Geo-political and strategic cooperation
Economic agenda of SCO adopted in 2005 has not delivered impressive results. This will also receive an impetus. Terrorism and radicalism are the most formidable challenges confronting international community today. India has been a victim of terrorist attacks for the last 30 years in which it has lost several thousand innocent children, women and men.
Battling with terrorism has provided invaluable experience to Indian security establishment in intelligence gathering, training, foiling terrorist operations etc which it can share with SCO partners. The threat of terrorism to the region is particularly grave on account of continuing violence in Afghanistan which can embolden regional groups like Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, Hizb-ut-Tahrir etc to destabilise governments in Central Asia.
Scourge of radicalism also looms large over the region with expansion of influence by Islamic State (IS) and reported desertion of several cadres of Taliban, Al Qaeda etc to join the jihadi IS ranks.
Several hundred young men and women have fled their homes in Central Asia to bolster ISIS forces that are spreading their tentacles to Central Asia, Pakistan and Afghanistan. India has an enviable track record in handling these twin scourges. It can share its experience and best practices with SCO members to mutual benefit and advantage.
In future SCO will need to step up to the plate and assume responsibility to provide security in Afghanistan in the aftermath of the withdrawal of US and Nato ISAF forces. By Joining SCO India will get an opportunity to play its due role in stabilising the situation in Afghanistan which is assuming disturbing proportions on account of expanding the power of Taliban.
Economic & Trade COOPERATION
Central Asia is part of India’s extended neighbourhood. Its relations with these countries have however failed to realise the enormous potential in enhancing ties in security, political, economy, trade, investment, energy, connectivity, capacity development etc because India does not share common land borders with the region and also because of infrequent visits at the highest level between India and Central Asian States.
India’s membership will provide a welcome opportunity to Indian Prime Ministers to meet with Presidents from Central Asia regularly and frequently. India’s potential participation in the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) will be an added advantage to make this partnership more fruitful.
Central Asia represents the ‘’near-abroad’’ for Russia. Both India and Russia can collaborate to reciprocal benefit in all above areas. India’s development experience particularly in promoting agriculture, SMEs, pharmaceuticals, IT etc can be of immense benefit to these countries.
What did India say in the Recently held Tashkent summit of SCO
India highlighted India’s historical linkages with the region to drive home the point that the country’s membership to the SCO would stretch the region’s boundaries from the Pacific to Europe; and from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean.
India also vowed to adopt zero tolerance and a comprehensive approach in fighting terrorism at all levels. Pointing to Afghanistan, PM Modi said a stable, independent and peaceful Afghanistan is necessary for greater security and stability in SCO region.
The PM commented that India’s membership of SCO would contribute to region’s prosperity. It would also strengthen its security. Our partnership will protect our societies from the threats of radical ideologies of hate, violence and terror.”
PM remarked that India’s membership of the SCO will help drive the region’s economic growth.
In the context of 21st Century, among all the bilateral relations, Indo-Japan relations have all the potential to transcend this era into an ‘Asian century’.
This relationship, which incorporates no dispute- ideological, cultural or territorial, was embarked upon in 6th century A.D. when Bhuddhism was introduced in Japan.
Direct exchange in modern times commenced only in Maiji era (1868-1912), when Japan set off the process of modernization. Japanese support and assistance to Netaji and INA continue to persist in popular imagination.
Although diplomatic relations between two countries were established in 1952, it was only in august 2000 when Japanese PM Yoshiro Mori and his Indian counterpart Atal Bihari Vajpeyi set in motion ‘Global partnership in 21st century’.
Commonalities such as shared democratic values, commitment to human rights, pluralism, open society and rule of law are foundation blocks of this global partnership.
Backgrounder
During World War II
Since India was under British rule when World War II broke out, it was deemed to have entered the war on the side of the Allies. Over 2 million Indians participated in the war; many served in combat against the Japanese who conquered Burma and reached the Indian border.
Some 67,000 Indian soldiers were captured by the Japanese when Singapore surrendered in 1942, many of whom later became part of the Indian National Army (INA). In 1944-45, the combined British and Indian forces defeated the Japanese in a series of battles in Burma and the INA disintegrated.
Indian National Army
Subhas Chandra Bose, who led the Azad Hind, a nationalist movement which aimed to end the British raj through military means, used Japanese sponsorship to form the Azad Hind Fauj or Indian National Army (INA).
The INA was composed mainly of former prisoners of war from the British Indian Army who had been captured by the Japanese after the fall of Singapore. They joined primarily because of the very harsh, often fatal conditions in POW camps. The INA also recruited volunteers from Indian expatriates in Southeast Asia. Bose was eager for the INA to participate in any invasion of India, and persuaded several Japanese that a victory such as Mutaguchi anticipated would lead to the collapse of British rule in India.
The idea that their western boundary would be controlled by a more friendly government was attractive. Japan never expected India to be part of its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.
The Japanese Government built, supported and controlled the Indian National Army and the Indian Independence League.. Japanese forces included INA units in many battles, most notably at the U Go Offensive at Manipur. The offensive culminated in Battles of Imphal and Kohima where the Japanese forces were pushed back and the INA lost cohesion.
Modern relations
At the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, Indian Justice Radhabinod Pal became famous for his dissenting judgement in favour of Japan. The judgement of Justice Radhabinod Pal is remembered even today in Japan. This became a symbol of the close ties between India and Japan.
A relatively well-known result of the two nations’ was in 1949, when India sent the Tokyo Zoo two elephants to cheer the spirits of the defeated Japanese empire.
India refused to attend the San Francisco Peace Conference in 1951 due to its concerns over limitations imposed upon Japanese sovereignty and national independence. After the restoration of Japan’s sovereignty, Japan and India signed a peace treaty, establishing official diplomatic relations on 28 April 1952, in which India waived all reparation claims against Japan.
This treaty was one of the first treaties Japan signed after World War II. Diplomatic, trade, economic, and technical relations between India and Japan were well established. India’s iron ore helped Japan’s recovery from World War II devastation, and following Japanese Prime MinisterNobusuke Kishi’s visit to India in 1957, Japan started providing yen loans to India in 1958, as the first yen loan aid extended by Japanese government. Relations between the two nations were constrained, however, by Cold War politics.
Japan, as a result of World War II reconstruction, was a U.S. ally, whereas India pursued a non-aligned foreign policy, often leaning towards the Soviet Union. Since the 1980s, however, efforts were made to strengthen bilateral ties.
India’s ‘Look East’ policy posited Japan as a key partner. Since 1986, Japan has become India’s largest aid donor, and remains so.
Relations between the two nations reached a brief low in 1998 as a result of Pokhran-II, an Indian nuclear weapons test that year. Japan imposed sanctions on India following the test, which included the suspension of all political exchanges and the cutting off of economic assistance. These sanctions were lifted three years later. Relations improved exponentially following this period, as bilateral ties between the two nations improved once again, to the point where the Japanese prime minister, Shinzo Abe was to be the chief guest at India’s 2014 Republic Day parade.
Complementarities: Why are both important to each other?
Varied factors have supported momentum of this partnership viz. India’s economic resurgence, its engagement with USA and its increasing interest and stakes in East Asia in the form of Look East Policy in 1992 and Act East Asia Policy in 2015.
On similar lines, for Japan, India has emerged as an alternative economic partner and important constituent of Asia’s emerging security order.
A transition of power is unfolding in Asian continent and the shape and substance of Indo-Japan relationship is one of its spin-off. Notwithstanding, strengthening of the Indo-Japan relations is not the only consequence of rise of china and USA’s shifting of regional policy in the form of “Rebalancing of Asia”.
Factors like domestic perception of the alliance partner, which is amicable, have stimulated this relationship. Japanese perception of India has also been molded by the dissenting opinion of Radha Binod Pal- the Indian judge at famous Tokyo trials – who declined to convict Japan’s top military brass as war criminal proving that Japan’s imperial history has been discounted by Indian consciousness.
In addition to this, personal bonding between Japanese PM and his Indian counterpart, who are leading single party majority government in respective countries, is a class by itself.
Cooperation in Various Domains:
Strategic cooperation
Increment in china’s military expenditure was almost one and half times bigger in 2014 than defense outlay in 2010. This expansion is a cause of concern for both countries, since both countries are engaged in negotiation with China over Arunachal Pradesh (India) and Shenkaku Island (Japan).
New Delhi and Tokyo are apt to hedge against USA’s possible failure in containing china’s growing assertiveness in the region in the backdrop of this era of power transition. This hedging strategy can be analyzed in three main categories-
Firstly, increasing bilateral defence partnership against fear of American retrenchment,
Secondly, economic engagement against an over-dependence on china and
Finally, multilateral hedge against China’s rising influence in international and regional institutions.
Defence Cooperation
In the sphere of defence, in 2009, 2+2 dialogue (foreign and defence ministerial) were initiated. India has always supported freedom of navigation and unimpeded lawful commerce in international waters in sync with UNCLOS vis-à-vis South China Sea dispute and East China Sea issue.
India invited Japanese navy to participate in annual Malabar exercise in 2014 with USA in pacific waters, reviving an earlier practice of joint India-USA-Japan trilateral exercise.
Negotiations on possible trade in defence equipments from Japan, as per Tokyo deceleration, are in the pipeline. Indian interest is in Japanese US-2 amphibious aircraft for surveillance purpose in the Indian Ocean is high. If this deal is realized then it will signify for the first time Japanese export of defence goods and technology since World War II.
Can we collaborate in Defence?
Collaborative projects in defence equipment and technology is under consideration.
Tokyo has lifted ban on six Indian firms involved in defence R&D blacklisted after 1998 nuclear test, commencing towards transfer of Japanese military technology.
Tokyo declaration of 2014 underscores the significance of strategic cooperation between two of Asia’s largest maritime democracies and castigates states indulging in expansionist policies in the region.
In 2010 china accounted for 28% of total military spending in Asia. Its share has increased to 38% by 2014. Its DF-21d anti-ship ballistic missile is capable of targeting the entire South China Sea, Malacca Strait, most of Bay of Bengal and parts of Arabian Sea.
After south Korea and USA jointly announced they would deploy USA Missile Defence System Terminal High Altitude Area Defence(THAAD) in South Korea in 2016 in order to devise a fitting line of regional deterrence , Japan is rushing forward to do the same.
These strategic maneuvers dictate steps in the direction of balance of power in Asian continent, which is tilting in favor of China.
Change in Article 9
Japan has revised Article 9 of its Constitution to allow Japan’s self-defence forces to act more like a conventional army.
The clause forbids Japan from using force to settle international disputes and restricts its land, air and naval forces to a strictly defensive role.
Japan has scrapped the article to reform its pacifist, post-WW-II constitution to develop its military for collective self defence.
Balance of military power and ever accentuating territorial and recourse nationalism in Asia has paved intensification of strategic cooperation between India and Japan.
Although Japan controls Senkaku island, its sovereignty has been aggressively contested by China, as is evident in Beijing’s decision to establish an Air Defence Identification Zone (ADIZ) in the Eastern Asia in Nov. 2013.
China’s Aggressiveness
Chinese revisionism is also evident in South China Sea (SCS) where Beijing claims ownership over “Nine Dash Line” which if established by force, would entail that almost all of the SCS will be the exclusive economic zone of China.
SCS is endowed with fossil fuels and vital for merchant and international free navigation given the fact that 71% international cargo passes through this region.
Hague Arbitration Tribunal in Phillipines V/S China case in 2016 rejected China’s claim Of Nine Dash Line and the historic rights of Middle Kingdom off the hand. But China does not subscribe to UNCLOS, adding to tensions in the region.
On the Himalayan side, transgressions in Demchok, Ladakh, Chumar and Depsang areas tell a story of territorial hunger of China.
Although India-China relations look normal but distrust lingers deep within, which is a fallout of 4000 km. long Himalayan border dispute resulting from 1962 war.
Indian side has suspicion for huge investment sponsored by china in developing port and deep underwater ports (which can be used for military purpose) in India’s neighborhood through Maritime Silk Route Project.
This is owing to the fact that it resembles China’s earlier policy of “String of Pearls” theory – encirclement of India through a series of ports in different maritime countries in India’s neighbourhood.
Development of Kyaukphu port and deep underwater port at Maday island (Arakan coast ) in Myanmar nearby North East region of India and development of Gwadhar port in Pakistan near Western India is supposed to be a part of this grand scheme.
In addition to this, Great Coco Island and Little Coco Island are controlled by Myanmar. Since the early 1990s, there have been frequent reports of China using those islands for military and naval purposes but there is no certain proof of whether the islands are actually under Chinese control.
Thus, Chinese presence on the Coco Islands, developing intelligence systems and other naval facilities, is unnerving for nearby India.
While it is yet not certain whether the Great Coco island hosts Chinese intelligence systems, there is greater acknowledgement on the building of runways and other connectivity infrastructure on the Cocos.
This represents an array of attempts by China to intrude into the Indian ocean region to surround India from all four corners.
Economic cooperation
For 2011-12 India-Japan bilateral trade stood at $18.31 billion. The comprehensive trade pact between India and Japan aims to double bilateral trade nearly to $25 billion.
Japan is looking to boost trade and investment ties with India. The reasons behind this interest in India is obvious. India offers a large domestic market base.
Besides, mutual synergies between businesses in the two countries are driving initiatives-
Firstly, Japan’s ageing population (23% above 65 years) and India’s youthful dynamism (over 50% below 25 years)
Secondly, Japan is a relatively labour scarce, capital abundant country that complements India’s rich spectrum of human capital.
Thirdly, India’s prowess in the software sector lends synergy to Japan’s excellence in the hardware sector
Fourthly India’s abundance of raw materials and minerals matches well with Japan’s capabilities in technology and capital to produce knowledge-intensive manufactured goods
Fifthly India’s large domestic market has been the main factor for investments by Japanese companies.
Sixthly Japanese small and medium enterprises have begun to discover India as the new growth market.
The majority of investments are in traditional fields like machinery, automobiles and auto parts . Japan and India share a common vision for the world. This is aptly illustrated by the fact that there has been an increase in the number of joint declarations, delegation visits and other business events between the two countries.
India Japan CEPA
The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) between India and Japan came into force in August 2011.Despite this agreement India-Japan bilateral trade stands at measly USD16 billion as compared to Sino-Indian trade amounting to USD 70 billion and Sino-Japanese trade at whooping amount of USD 343 billion in 2014 .
The agreement had two major concerns, namely: the infrastructure in India, and non-tariff barriers in Japan. On the infrastructure front, the two countries are collaborating on the huge, US $90-billion Delhi–Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC) project.
The project agreement appears highly promising in the environment of the new manufacturing policy whereby India is targeting to increase the share of manufacturing in GDP to 25 percent within a decade, potentially creating 100 million jobs.
Japan had invested in dedicated freight corridor west project, strategic port facility in Chennai, development of strategic assets including highways and dams in North East Region where India’s immediate neighbor is eyeing for territorial expansion.
Japan has set up multi product SEZ and clusters, custom free and warehousing zones ( in Neemrana in Rajsthan ) leading to greater economic integration in Asia. In 2014 Kyoto-Kashi pact was signed between two countries wherein Kashi became as popular as ‘city of ten-thousand shrines’ in ‘land of rising sun’.
Under this agreement Kyoto and Kashi will prepare a detailed roadmap for making Kashi a ‘smart city’, retaining its rich culture,tradition and heritage.
Tariff & Non Tariff barriers – an obstruction?
An important factor affecting Indo-Japan trade is the tariff and non- tariff barriers imposed by both countries. Japan has placed import prohibitions and quantitative restrictions on imports from India, for example, on fish and silk items.
Japan’s Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS) are major barriers to Indian exports of poultry, meat, shrimps and fruits like mangoes and grapes. This issue highlights the need for sharing and facilitating the exchange of technology under the agreement to promote Indian exports to Japan.
Engaging Japan economically is important as India is biggest recipient of Japan’s ODA. India is also premium destinations for foreign direct investment from Japan.
Attracting Japanese investment, technology and business is crucial for transforming India into Asia’s new production line. There is a strategic rationale behind economic engagement of India with Japan.
India is far more comfortable with Japanese businesses investing in development of strategic assets of infrastructure but Chinese investment in infrastructure is seen with concerns and suspicions due to security reasons and mistrust, even when such investment can resolve some of the trade imbalance of India with china.
For Japan economic partnership is shaped by realpolitik too. Japanese investment was very vital for Chinese miracle as china has been highest recipient of Japanese aid between 1980-2003. Greater economic integration with china has not translated into political trust between two countries, hence boundary disputes has escalated.
During Indian Pm visit to Japan 2014 two countries have announced ‘India-Japan Investment Promotion Partnership’. Japan has promised to invest more than USD 35 billion in India.
ODA and private investment is biggest foreign investment by any single country into India. Substantial contract on export of rare earth minerals from India to Japan is on anvil, which would offset Japan’s reliance on china for supply.
Both India and Japan are concerned that their growing economic interdependence on China might make the Indian and Japanese economies more vulnerable to Beijing’s economic coercion.
Secondly, both the nations are exasperated by china’s strategy of deploying surrogates in East and South Asia primarily North Korea and Pakistan, to wear both the countries out.
The China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) a USD 45 billion project traversing through highly sensitive Karakoram border region of India is one of the examples.
India-Japan Economic and Commercial Cooperation
Complementarities between the two countries
Japan’s ageing population (23% above 65 years) and India’s youthful dynamism (over 50% below 25 years);
India’s rich natural and human resources and Japan’s advanced technology;
India’s prowess in services and Japan’s excellence in manufacturing;
Japan’s surplus capital for investments and India’s large and growing markets and the middle class.
The signing of the historic India-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) and its implementation from August 2011 is expected to further accelerate growth of trade, economic and commercial relations between the two countries.
Japan has been extending bilateral loan and grant assistance to India since 1958. Japan is the largest bilateral donor to India. Japanese ODA supports India’s efforts for accelerated economic development particularly in priority areas like power, transportation, environmental projects and projects related to basic human needs. For example New Delhi metro network. The Western Dedicated Freight Corridor (DFC), The Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor with eight new industrial townships, The Chennai-Bengaluru Industrial Corridor (CBIC) India’s primary exports to Japan have been petroleum products, chemicals, elements, compounds, non-metallic mineral ware, fish & fish preparations, metalliferous ores & scrap, clothing & accessories, iron & steel products, textile yarn, fabrics and machinery etc.
Japanese FDI into India grew exponentially from US$ 139 million in 2004 to all time high of US$ 5551 million in 2008. Currently FDI from Japan to India was US$ 1.7 billion during January-December 2014. Japanese FDI has mainly been in automobile, electrical equipment, telecommunications, chemical and pharmaceutical sectors.
The number of Japanese affiliated companies in India has grown significantly over the years.
13 big infrastructure projects to be financed by ODA loans such as Metro projects both in Chennai and Ahmedabad and road network connectivity in our Northeastern states.
India and Japan signed a Protocol for amending the existing Convention for the avoidance of double taxation and for the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income which was signed in 1989. The protocol provides for
Internationally accepted standards for effective exchange of information on tax matters including bank
information and information without domestic tax interest.
The information received from Japan in respect of a resident of India can be shared with other law
enforcement agencies with authorisation of the competent authority of Japan and vice versa.
Both India and Japan shall provide assistance to each other in the collection of revenue claims.
Exemption of interest income from taxation in the source country with respect to debt-claims insured by the Government/Government owned financial institutions.
Multilateral cooperation domain:
Despite being benefited by USA’s uni-polarity, multilateral-ism has emerged as cornerstone of contemporary foreign policy of both the nations.
Joint statement of 2006 incorporated “cooperation in multilateral forums like UN,SAARC, EAS and ARF”. The impulse for multilateralism stems for desire to make 21st century as Asian century through working for peace and stability in the region, providing better connectivity and greater regional integration.
Although undercurrent of fears of China’s hegemony in the Asia and USA’s declining clout in global affairs also boost force of multilateralism supported by India and Japan.
Significant agenda for New Delhi and Tokyo is to reform UNSC. Both demand democratization of UNSC and both claim permanent membership in this regard. Post WWII international security architecture with Beijing as only Asian representative in UNSC with veto power ensures that China will continue to enjoy extraordinary leverage in the region.
So maintaining a status quo is in favor of china as it does not support claim either by India or by Japan. China’s opposition has further cemented the Indo-Japanese relationship wherein countries declared solidarity for each-other’s positions demanding permanent membership and formed G-4 including Germany and Brazil too.
India was included into East Asia summit membership (ASEAN 3+3) on behest of Japan along with Australia and New Zealand despite protest by China.
India shows its appreciation for current Japanese PM’s initiative to help Bangladesh in developing the region around the Bay Of Bengal though ” Bay of Bengal Industrial Growth Belt” or BIG -B initiative.
Japan’s active involvement in this region offsets china’s growing economic and strategic influence in India’s neighborhood. Two course shares similar view of establishing peace and stability in Afghanistan and has invested into Afghanistan’s prosperity and development. India and Japan institutionalize trilateral strategic dialogue partnership with USA in 2011.
These trilateral initiative has serious potential to transform into ‘Quad of Democracies’ (including Australia) in the Indo-Pacific region.
Nuclear Conundrum
Issue of civilian nuclear technology cooperation remains a constraint in realizing true potential of this strategic partnership. Japan’s anti-nuclear stance often conflicts with India’s aspiration of to be a nuclear power.
Tokyo however has relented and supported India-USA Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement at IAEA and NSG, given the responsible nuclear state history of India.
India and Japan has started discussion on a Civilian Nuclear Cooperation Agreement in 2010. For India, nuclear cooperation with Japan is essential to consummate indo-USA nuclear deal owing to the fact that Westinghouse is Toshiba’s subsidiary and Mitshubishi has a technical cooperation agreement with General Electric.
Even crucial components of nuclear reactors offered by French nuclear consortium -Areva- are manufactured in Japan.India also needs Japan’s support for NSG membership but later has expressed reservations citing New Delhi’s lack of commitment to nuclear disarmament, especially at CTBT and FMCT.
Nuclear disaster at Fukushima Daiichi plant in 2011 had also derailed ongoing consultations. Japan’s preconditions to such an agreement includes stringent inspections of Indian civilian nuclear facilities, termination of agreement in case of India conducts nuclear test and India’s abdication of right to enrich or reprocess fuel of Japanese origin(rule of origin i.e. fagging and benchmarking).
Tokyo has attached significance to ratification to CTBT and a unilateral moratorium on production of fissile material.For India, the benchmark for bilateral civilian cooperation deal has been already fixed by Indo-USA nuclear deal and India will not go more than what it has committed to its civilian nuclear pact with USA.
Notwithstanding, having accepted the IAEA’s ‘Additional Protocols’ which allows IAEA to conduct extensive inspection of India’s civilian nuclear programme, India have affirmatively addressed one of the Japan’s major concerns.
In the backdrop of CTBT being discriminatory and instrument to maintain status- quo in favor of recognized nuclear states, India replies with “Not Now, Not Ever” approach in words of former diplomat Arundhati Ghosh.
With a responsible nuclear doctrine in 1998 itself India had adhered to unilateral moratorium on nuclear test. In addition to this, China and USA has not ratified CTBT yet, so India has no strategic rationale to move forward and ratify it. Same line of argument goes for the FMCT issue too.
Nonetheless Japan in recent times is going ahead with Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement very eagerly owing to economic compulsion resulting from global economic slowdown, which augurs well for India.
What Lies Ahead?
India and Japan are two powerful democratic forces in Asia which are searching for more options to work and prosper jointly.
Economic front needs to be strengthened to reach “Low Hanging Fruit of Asia” wherein demographic dividend of the India and other Asian countries can be deployed to benefit Asia as whole.
Both need to join hand to establish peace and order in not only disturbed region of Asia but of the whole world.
Recent Developments
Japanese PM Visit to India(2015)
Mr. Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan, visited India from 11 to 13 December, 2015.
Japan has always been a significant economic partner of India, but not a strategic one. Now, both on the economic and strategic fronts, the India-Japan relationship is being transformed.
Important Outcomes
1. Nuclear agreement signed
Reached broad agreement on civil nuclear cooperation after five years of wrangling.
This will clear the way for American firms — which source key equipment in Japan – to sell nuclear reactors to India.
Commerce aside, this agreement is also symbolically important because Japan was one of India’s most vocal critics after New Delhi’s 1998 nuclear tests.
This is part of India’s decade-long process of progressive nuclear rehabilitation.
2. Defense and Security relationship
New linkages between the Indian and Japanese air forces and coast guards.
Indian training for Japan’s counterterrorism capabilities.
Agreements to share classified military information.
Transfer of Defense Equipment and Technology.
India’s decision to invite Japan as a ‘formal partner’ to the US-India Malabar naval exercises.
This will passively balance Chinese power. This will complement other initiatives of
India like US-India-Japan trilateral at the foreign minister level in October and a US-India-Australia trilateral at a slightly lower level in June.
3. Trade and Investment
Japan will create a $12bn-facility to support Japanese companies investing in India to further our Make in India objective
As part of the broader Japanese support for Indian infrastructure, memorandum of cooperation on the high speed Shinkansen rail system between Mumbai and Ahmedabad to be financed with a highly concessional yen loan has been signed.
Upgrading civilian infrastructure in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
India and Japan are in talks to collaborate on upgrading civilian infrastructure in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
The first project being discussed is a modest one — a 15-megawatt diesel power plant on South
Andaman Island.
To counter china’s growing influence, India is building strategic relations with Japan, Australia and
the United States, as well as regional powers like Vietnam.
Way forward
India’s Act East policy — of which the India-Japan relationship is a core strand — is important not just
For boosting investment but also signaling to China.
It is also to strengthen India’s voice in regional debates, whether on economic or security issues,
such that India will be in a position to shape emerging economic and security architectures as they form, rather than accommodate to them afterwards.
As a recent RAND study noted, ‘Southeast Asia sees India primarily as a security partner, while India primarily sees Southeast Asia as a trade partner’. The more that India accepts the garb of security partner, the more pivotal its role in Asia and its voice in debates.
US-JAPAN-INDIA TRILATERAL MEET
The foreign ministers of India, Japan and the US met in New York in the first such trilateral engagement between the three countries with an eye on China’s growing influence in the world.
The foreign ministers underscored the importance of international law and peaceful settlement of disputes, freedom of navigation and overflight and unimpeded lawful commerce, including in the South China Sea.
The US maintains the South China Sea is international water, and sovereignty in the area should be determined by the UN.
With China getting more assertive, the US is looking to marshal allies in the region to take a strategic role.
India’s participation in this new trilateral forum along with the US and its most important Asian-Pacific ally marks a new benchmark in India’s integration into the US “Pivot to Asia”—Washington’s drive to militarily-strategically isolate and encircle China.
The US has long been pressing India to join US-led trilateral and quadrilateral initiatives with Japan and its other key military partner in the region, Australia.
“The U.S. concept of Asia Pivot revolves around isolating China and creating a block of Regional and Extra Regional 2nd tier powers to strategically suffocate China in the 21st century. These 2nd tier powers include India, Australia and Japan.”
The three Ministers discussed maintaining maritime security through greater collaboration and appreciated Japan’s participation in the 2015 Malabar naval exercise. Humanitarian assistance and disaster relief also featured in the first trilateral ministerial meet.
China had objected to the participation of Japan, Australia and Singapore in Malabar 2007 exercise, which was hosted by India in the Bay of Bengal.
To promote regional economic linkages, the three Ministers launched an expert-level group on regional connectivity to identify collaborative efforts, including between south and southeast Asia.
IFS Officer Nayantara D with Honourable Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan. She is currently serving as the Third Secreatry, Embassy of Seoul.
(D)PM Modi Visit to Japan(2016)
Prime Minister Modi recently visited Japan at the invitation of Prime Minister of Japan Abe. The two Prime Ministers held wide-ranging consultations.
Outcomes of the visit
Synergising the partnership-∙ Both countries undertook a comprehensive review of the Special Strategic and Global Partnership as outlined in the “India and Japan Vision 2025” and acknowledged the significant progress in bilateral relations over the past two years.
Enhanced space and cooperation on global challenges- such as climate change, countering terrorism and violent extremism, reform of the United Nations (UN) including the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), as well as maintaining rules-based international order.
Building stronger partnership for stable and safe world
Emphasis on rising importance of Indo-Pacific region- stressed the core values of democracy, peace, therule of law, tolerance, and respect for the environment in realising pluralistic and inclusive growth of the region.
Consolidation of security and defence cooperation- welcomed two Defence Framework Agreements concerning the Transfer of Defence Equipment and Technology and concerning Security Measures for the Protection of Classified Military Information.
Deepening bilateral security and defence dialogues, through the “2+2” Dialogue, Defence Policy Dialogue, Military-to-Military Talks and Coast Guard-to-Coast Guard co-operation.
Partnership for prosperity-∙ A dedicated task force to be set up comprising representatives of both countries to develop a concrete roadmap for phased transfer of technology and “Make in India.” Cooperation on the human resource development in the manufacturing sector in India through “Manufacturing Skill Transfer Promotion Programme.”
The two Prime Ministers noted the growing collaboration between India and Japan in the modernisation and expansion of conventional railway system in India.
To build upon cooperation in the field of smart cities to develop smart islands by initiating consultations to identify technologies, infrastructure, development strategies and management processes facilitating development of smart islands in an efficient and effective manner.
Cooperation for a cleaner and greener future–
Recognised the importance of access to reliable, clean and affordable energy and welcomed the JapanIndia Energy Partnership Initiative laid by the Japan-India 8th Energy Dialogue held in January 2016.
Commitment to work together in developing the rules for successful implementation of the Paris Agreement on Climate change.
Signed the Agreement for Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy which reflects a new level of mutual confidence and strategic partnership in the cause of clean energy, economic development and a peaceful and secure world.
Foundation of a Future-oriented Partnership– Both the countries signed the following MoUs-
MOU between JAXA and ISRO concerning Cooperation in the Field of Outer Space
MoU between Ministry of Earth Sciences (MoES), Republic of India and The Japan Agency for MarineEarth Science and Technology (JAMSTEC) on Mutual Collaboration in Marine and Earth Science and Technology.
Will advance of academic research in the field of Earth Sciences for the benefit of the peace and human welfare.
Will enhance capability in the field of atmospheric and climate research, ocean technology observation and hazard mitigation in case of tsunami, earthquakes and other phenomenon.
Will boost our “Blue Economy” with better research and exploration of marine resources.
INDO-JAPAN NUCLEAR DEAL
Summary:
The annual strategic dialogue between India and Japan which began in 2009 has now come to fruition with the signing the nuclear cooperation agreement in Tokyo during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit.
Japan has civil nuclear treaties with 13 countries, including the US, France and Russia, but this is the first with a nation that is not part of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT).
Background:
India and Japan were at loggerheads since 1998 when India conducted its nuclear tests. Japan was the country that took it the hardest. It put all political exchanges with India on hold, froze aid and announced economic sanctions within hours. A thaw in ties didn’t come until 2001, when sanctions were lifted. And then, in 2009, the two countries began an annual strategic dialogue.
Why both countries took so much time to sign this deal?
The deal had been proposed six years ago and till very recently, it seemed that the process would not be concluded.
The two prime ministers had signed a memorandum of understanding last December but the thorny issues of Japanese companies’ liability for nuclear accidents, the reprocessing of spent nuclear fuel, and the consequences of any future testing of nuclear weapons by India, remained on the table.
The last stage of negotiations on the deal was keenly watched due to a “nullification clause”, which sought automatic cancellation of the agreement if India resorts to nuclear testing in the future.
Another sticking point has been India’s refusal to sign the NPT, as it considers the treaty unfair to the developing world.
What’s there in the new deal?
Nullification clause issue was resolved by annexing a separate memorandum to the treaty which specifies that Japan can suspend cooperation if India breaches its no-testing pledge to the NSG.
India conceded to Japan on another clause which says that Japan can notify India of the termination of the pact with one year’s notice.
Why this deal was important for India?
Apart from the Russian reactors, India’s planned nuclear reactors with France and US also depend on Japanese parts. Moreover, GE, Westinghouse, and Areva, the companies planning reactors in India, have important ownership stakes of Japanese companies such as Hitachi, Toshiba and Mitsubishi, which were stopped by the Japanese government from doing business with India without a final nuclear deal. This deal will help guarantee Japan’s continued support to India’s civil nuclear programme for generation of clean and cheap power.
Reservations in Japan against nuclear energy have hardened after the Fukushima accident. Tokyo’s support to the deal so far is therefore an indication of the importance it accords to relations with India.
The agreement is also important for the message of trust it would convey to Nuclear Suppliers Group members in a year the country hopes to have its admission accepted. It gives a much-needed moral boost.
The move will also boost the meagre, and dipping, bilateral trade of $15 billion, and lift the strategic military and defence relationship.
What’s in it for Japan?
This deal will mainly help Japan for economical reasons as companies like Mitsubishi and Hitachi are also in the nuclear energy field, and they are running in loss ever since the Fukushima disaster.
These companies are frantically looking for new markets to expand in and there could be no better place than energy starved India. Japan had initially opposed the Indo-US Nuclear deal, as India wasn’t a member of NSG but later changed its position after realizing that its going to be the sole loser in the lucrative Indian market.
Why few countries are opposing this deal?
They say, signing a nuclear trade deal with a country that has shunned the treaty designed to stop the spread of nuclear weapons is itself a big mistake. Besides, the agreement contains many questionable and worrisome elements. For instance, the pact doesn’t make it clear whether India has to immediately shut down reactors using Japanese technology when it carries out a nuclear test.
Way ahead:
Now, Japanese Prime Minister must bring the deal to Parliament in early 2017 to ensure that the commercial agreement for Westinghouse’s six reactors in Andhra Pradesh that is due in June 2017 comes through. This will also coincide with the next plenary of the NSG. Both New Delhi and Tokyo must also be wary of the impact on Beijing of this new stage in their ties.
China has been hedging against deeper Japan-India ties in Asia by investing in its relationship with Russia and Pakistan. As the two Asian rivals to China, India and Japan might need the partnership even more in the days to come, as the U.S. President-elect has indicated a lower level of interest in “playing policeman” in the region.
Conclusion:
Japan now follows eight other nations, including the US, France and Russia, in entering into a pact with India. It signals a wider acceptance of India’s status as a responsible actor.
Overall, given the economic, nonproliferation, and regional power balance issues examined above, it is clear that full-fledged Japan-India civil nuclear cooperation is fundamentally a development to be welcomed. The question remains regarding whether India is likely to conduct further testing of nuclear weapons and how such tests would impact the bilateral agreement.
Relations with Russia are a key pillar of India’s foreign policy, and Russia has been a longstanding time-tested partner of India. Both countries signed “Declaration on the India-Russia Strategic Partnership” in October 2000
Traditionally, the Indo-Russian strategic partnership has been built on five major components: politics, defence, civil nuclear energy, anti-terrorism co-operation and space.
Historical Background
A cordial relationship with India that began in the 1950s represented the most successful of the Soviet attempts to foster closer relations with Third World countries. The relationship began with a visit by Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to the Soviet Union in June 1955 and Khrushchev’s return trip to India in the fall of 1955. While in India, Khrushchev announced that the Soviet Union supported Indian sovereignty over the disputed territory of the Kashmir region and over Portuguese coastal enclaves such as Goa.
The Soviet Union’s strong relations with India had a negative impact upon both Soviet relations with the People’s Republic of China, including Indian relations with the PRC, during the Khrushchev period.
The Soviet Union declared its neutrality during the 1959 border dispute and the Sino-Indian war of October 1962, although the Chinese strongly objected.
The Soviet Union gave India substantial economic and military assistance during the Khrushchev period, and by 1960 India had received more Soviet assistance than China had. This disparity became another point of contention in Sino-Soviet relations. In 1962 the Soviet Union agreed to transfer technology to co-produce the Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21 jet fighter in India, which the Soviet Union had earlier denied to China.
In 1965 the Soviet Union served successfully as peace broker between India and Pakistan after an Indian-Pakistani border war. The Soviet Chairman of the Council of Ministers, literally Premier of the Soviet Union, Alexei Kosygin, met with representatives of India and Pakistan and helped them negotiate an end to the military conflict over Kashmir.
In 1971 the former East Pakistan region initiated an effort to secede from its political union with West Pakistan. India supported the secession and, as a guarantee against possible Chinese entrance into the conflict on the side of West Pakistan, it signed with the Soviet Union the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in August 1971. In December, India entered the conflict and ensured the victory of the secessionists and the establishment of the new state of Bangladesh.
Relations between the Soviet Union and India did not suffer much during the rightist Janata Party‘s coalition government in the late 1970s, although India did move to establish better economic and military relations with Western countries. To counter these efforts by India to diversify its relations, the Soviet Union proffered additional weaponry and economic assistance.
During the 1980s, despite the 1984 assassination by Sikh separatists of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, the mainstay of cordial Indian-Soviet relations, India maintained a close relationship with the Soviet Union. Indicating the high priority of relations with the Soviet Union in Indian foreign policy, the new Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, visited the Soviet Union on his first state visit abroad in May 1985 and signed two long-term economic agreements with the Soviet Union. In turn, Gorbachev’s first visit to a Third World state was his meeting with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in New Delhi in late 1986.
Mikhail Gorbachev unsuccessfully urged Gandhi to help the Soviet Union set up an Asian collective security system. Gorbachev’s advocacy of this proposal, which had also been made by Leonid Brezhnev, was an indication of continuing Soviet interest in using close relations with India as a means of containing China. With the improvement of Sino-Soviet relations in the late 1980s, containing China had less of a priority, but close relations with India remained important as an example of Gorbachev’s new Third World policy.
Russia needs India as:
A market for its goods to bypass Western sanctions imposed after its power push in Ukraine.
The forthcoming Transatlantic Trade and Investment partnership driven by the US will also force Russia to eye markets beyond Europe. India is a natural partner.
Despite its renewed friendship with China, Russia will soon find itself in competition with it as Beijing regards itself as the new G2 along with the US.
India can help provide the multi-polarity that Russia fiercely seeks.
India needs Russia because
It can meet its abundant energy requirements at a cost-effective price.
Despite expanding its defence purchases from the US, Israel and Europe, India still needs to collaborate with Russia to master future technology including for space.
It improves India’s bargaining power when it negotiates arms sales with the West.
Russia can be a major market for Indian industry such as pharmaceuticals, manufactured goods, dairy
Products, bovine meat and frozen seafood.
Geopolitically, Russia continues to be a balancing force against any designs China and Pakistan may have in our region.
Strain in the relationship
The first concerns the rapidly expanding ties between India and USA, which started with the India US nuclear deal in 2008.
The second concerns the growing defence relationship between India and USA.
Russia’s decision to supply Pakistan with the Mi-35 Hind attack helicopters has alarmed the Indian defense establishment. The Russia-Pakistan joint exercises raise many questions
India having its own military exercises with the U.S. and has signed logistics agreements which can eventually give the U.S. access to Indian naval bases.
Russia had proposed a Russia-India-China (RIC) forum. India is hesitant about this because of the∙ unresolved issues with China.
Economic ties
Russia-India trade has not grown to great heights despite the encouragement of both states.
Recently India and Russia decided to institutionalize the CEO’s Forum and agreed to liberalize business travel which will help boost bilateral trade Russia sees India – one of the fastest growing economies in the world – as a country that could alleviate Russia’s economic problems.
Make in India initiative would welcome Russian companies from the public and private sectors Russian firms have shown a willingness to invest in India in construction, major infrastructure projects such as dedicated freight corridors and industrial clusters, smart cities, and engineering services, sharing technologies and skills.
Indian companies are exploring major investment options in Russia, especially in natural resources∙ such as coal, fertilizers, hydrocarbons, minerals, and rare earth metals Trade and investment relations are not up to the mark and this needs improvements.
Energy ties
According to the International Energy Agency, India will cross Japan as the world’s third largest oil user this year, and is expected to have the highest rate of growth of crude demand globally through 2040.
The sale of a 98% stake in Essar Oil to a consortium led by Russian state-owned oil giant Rosneft is significant step in the process of deleveraging the balance sheets of Indian corporate.
The Russia-India investments in the oil and gas sector and exports to third countries need to be energised. Russia is an important partner in peaceful uses of nuclear energy and it recognizes India as a country with advanced nuclear technology with an impeccable non-proliferation record.
Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant (KKNPP) is being built in India with Russian cooperation.
Political ties
New Delhi needs Moscow’s support in the former’s bid for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council
The Russians have backed the Indian position on Kashmir.
India and Russia are engaged in several multilateral efforts that are greatly favoured by Russia such as the BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.
Annual Summit meeting is the highest institutionalized dialogue mechanism under the Strategic Partnership
Defence ties
India has longstanding and wide-ranging cooperation with Russia in the field of defence. India-Russia military technical cooperation has evolved from a simple buyer-seller framework to one involving joint research, development and production of advanced defence technologies and systems.
BrahMos Missile System, Joint development of the Fifth-Generation Fighter Aircraft and the Multi Transport Aircraft, as well as the licensed production in India of SU-30 aircraft and T-90 tanks, are 3 examples of such flagship cooperation.
Last year in June, the Prime Minister dedicated to the nation the Russian-built aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya at a special ceremony off the coast of Goa.∙
The two countries also hold exchanges and training exercises between their armed forces annually.
An Indian contingent participated in the military parade in Moscow on 9 May 2015 during the 70th anniversary of the victory in the World War II. India-Russia defence ties reached a new high recently, when the countries unveiled a big- ticket joint.
Production project
The announcement of joint production of helicopters in India dispelled fears that the bilateral defence relations are in a quagmire. The timing of the announcement particularly after the visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Russia, and his meeting with Russian President, Vladimir Putin, is no less significant.
Modi has already declared that Russia is the primary defence supplier of India, and, in this context, it will not be a surprise if more defence deals are announced in coming months.
Indian Ambassador to Russia displayed substantiated optimism when he averred that the recent deal about joint production of 200 Kamov-226 helicopters is no less than a big bang. A regular watcher of India-Russia relations would find it difficult to disagree with the ambassador.
The recent announcement dispelled much of pessimism generated by the Rafale deal. Also, particularly after the agreement on the BrahMos missile about a decade ago, not much progress has been made about joint development and production.
The announcement of joint production of the light transport vehicle, which can be used for rescue, police and military operations, would be another landmark after BrahMos. Any other pair of countries seldom enjoys this type of relationship. The likely transfer of technology in building the helicopter will be advantageous for India.
Significance for India:
India’s indigenous defence industry is at an infant stage, and Russia’s transfer of technology would boost the indigenous industry. The transfer coupled with a possible license would boost India’s production capability.
It will also enable India, along with Russia, to market the helicopter in third countries for profit. During the visit of Putin last December, both countries had deliberated on the Kamov-226 deal.
The deal will be India’s first such defence deal after Prime Minister Modi’s hyped ‘Make in India’ initiative was announced last year. In the area of defence, India can hardly afford to ignore Russia, a strong and reliable partner.
A strong India-Russia defence partnership is not only desirable but also necessary.
Nuclear Cooperation
Russia is an important partner in peaceful uses of nuclear energy and it recognizes India as a country with advanced nuclear technology with an impeccable non-proliferation record.
In December 2014, Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) and Russia’s Rosatom signed the Strategic Vision for strengthening cooperation in peaceful uses of atomic energy between India and Russia. Russia has proposed a plan to involve India in building Russian-designed nuclear power stations in third countries.
The cooperation is to be extended to the area of joint extraction of natural uranium and the production of nuclear fuel and atomic waste elimination. Russia has also offered to build over 20 nuclear power units in India, up from the 12 offered earlier.
The Russian proposal to jointly build nuclear power plants is significant, considering that Rosatom-the State-owned Russian nuclear utility-has 29 nuclear reactors in various stages of planning and construction in more than a dozen countries (the largest internationally).
These include in Jordan, Hungary, Egypt, Iran, Finland, Turkey and Argentina.
The new proposals, offered by the Russians as a plank to build on their head-start in the Indian nuclear market, are expected to lay the foundation for what is being termed by Moscow as “long-term, mutually beneficial cooperation in the nuclear sector.
The Russian proposal builds on a package of inter-governmental and inter-departmental documents signed on the sidelines of President Vladimir Putin’s visit to India late last year, as part of a ‘strategic vision for strengthening Indian-Russian cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear power’.
The nuclear cooperation includes building on negotiations to sign an advance contract for the design of the third and fourth reactor units to come up at the Kudankulam site in Tamil Nadu.
Russia, in accordance with an inter-governmental agreement of 1988 and a supplement to it signed in 1998, is building the Kudankulam nuclear power project, the first 1,000 MWe (megawatt electric) unit of which was connected to the national grid in 2013.
It is now operating under the one-year warranty maintenance period, which will last until the end of 2015.
Space Cooperation
India-Russia cooperation in the field of peaceful uses of outer space dates back to about four decades.This year marks the 40th anniversary of the launch of India’s first satellite “Aryabhatt” on a Russian (then∙ USSR) launch vehicle ‘Soyuz.’
In 2007, India and Russia signed a framework agreement on cooperation in the peaceful uses of outer space, including satellite launches, Glonass navigation, remote sensing and other societal applications of outer space. In June 2015, the space agencies have signed a MoU on expansion of cooperation in the field of the exploration and use of outer space for peaceful purposes.
Issues of terrorism
Counterterrorism is another area where both countries find a convergence of interest. Both countries strongly condemned terrorism in all its forms, stressing the need for an effective∙ global effort in dealing with the terrorist menace.
They also called for the elimination, once and for all, of all terrorist “safe havens,” presumably referring to Pakistan. India and Russia also share concerns about the aggravation of the security situation in Afghanistan, including along its borders. India openly shared Russia’s concerns over developments in Syria.
India’s stance on Syria will certainly help cement its ties with Russia countering the earlier feeling that India was not coming forward to support Russia in difficult times.
Cultural Cooperation
There is a strong tradition of Indian studies in Russia. Apart from Hindi, languages such as Tamil, Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali, Urdu, Sanskrit and Pali are taught in Russian Institutions.
There is general interest among Russian people in Indian dance, music, yoga and ayurveda. There are regular cultural initiatives to promote people-to-people contacts between India and Russia The President of India inaugurated the Year of Indian Culture ‘Namaste Russia’ in Moscow on 10 May 2015.
17th India-Russia annual summit
Altogether 16 Agreements / MoUs are signed and more emphasis is on defence procurement.
India and Russia also signed an Inter-Governmental Agreement for 4 additional Krivak or Talwar Class Stealth Frigates. Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and Rostec State Corporation signed a Pact worth $ 1 bn to set up a Joint Venture that will make at least 200 Kamov-226T Utility Helicopters in India.
Signed an agreement on “Information Security” aimed at countering terrorism, drug trafficking and∙ other illegal cross border activities.
A Science and Technology Commission to facilitate development and sharing of cutting-edge technologies.
Both the Leaders dedicated to the Nation, 2nd Unit of the Kudankulam Atomic Power Plant. They also laid the foundation stone for two more Units at Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant.
Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) will work with an Indian fund to invest $ 1 bn.
Tri-lateral relation between Russia-China-Pakistan and its impact on India
Russia’s growing affinity with Pakistan is bound to give rise to some ruffles between India and Russia. The rivalry between Pakistan and India only gets worse as the latter accuses the former of breaching international border norms.
Pakistan’s relationship with Moscow deteriorated during 1980s, when the former allied with the West to fight the Soviet in Afghanistan.
The reason of their rivalry has yet again brought the two countries together, binding them with defence agreements.
The reason of their rivalry (Afghanistan) has yet again brought the two countries together, binding them with defence agreements.
In June 2014, Russia announced the lifting of its long-standing embargo on arms sales to Pakistan.
In November, Russia and Pakistan signed their first ever military cooperation agreement. The Russians argue that if India can buy defence equipment from the U.S., why they (Russia) couldn’t sell to Pakistan. The problem for India, of course, is the strategic import of such moves by Russia.
Then again, we must realise that our growing proximity to the U.S. reduces our leverage over Russia. As does Russia’s increasing tilt towards China. As always, a bit of history can be useful. Russia leaning towards China to combat the pressure of the West might bring about certain changes in the power pattern in the South Asian region.
The common apprehension that India and Russia shared with regards to the long borders they shared∙ with China seems to have lost its significance for Russia, as Russia expands its economic, political, and security ties with China.
It would be overrated to call Russia’s shift towards Pakistan a move taken by the country to bring India on track. The combination of secure Pakistan and China backed by Russia would mean a huge challenge to India’s position in the South Asian region.
The allegation however, cannot be ignored either. Russian Defense Minister Gen Sergey Shoigu recently visited Islamabad to sign an unprecedented Russia Pakistan defence cooperation agreement. In a joint statement issued at the conclusion of the third meeting of Pak-Russia Inter-Governmental∙ Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technical Cooperation in Moscow, both, Pakistan and Russia, hoped to collaborate in trade, economy, science, technology, agriculture, education, and culture. The growing closeness between Russia and Pakistan is seen as a threat to India’s strategic defence moves.
Decline in Indo-Russia cooperation in present context
Russia downgrading its military-technical relationship with India from that of an exclusive partner to a preferred partner.
Such pragmatism should come as no surprise given that India has diversified its own military import portfolio and no longer considers Russia as its exclusive trading partner. Russian military export overtures towards Pakistan are now perceptible.
In a noteworthy development, Russia recently decided to supply Mi-35 Hind attack helicopters to Pakistan. Prior to this, Moscow had refrained from supplying lethal military equipment to Pakistan on account of New Delhi’s strained relationship with Islamabad-the legacy of this Indo-Russian military exclusivity can be traced all the way back to the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Peace of 1971.
Consequently, the Pakistan deal caught many geo-political commentators by surprise; some, like Pavel Felgenhauer, have even gone so far as to call it an “important, key change in Russian policy in the region.” Conscious of Indian sensitivities, Russian diplomats have been quick-perhaps too quick-to point out that the negotiations are part of an “ongoing cooperation with Pakistan in the field of defense and counterterrorism.”
But the 123 Agreement that India signed with the U.S and Russia’s share of military sales to India is now in steady decline. In consonance with India’s enhanced geopolitical status and strategic rapprochement with the U.S., New Delhi has found new partners in the West. Russia’s increasing bond with China also to some extent brings strain in Indo-Russia relaions.
India conducts more military exercises with U.S than any other country. The Chinese arms industry is known for reverse engineering foreign-origin military hardware and has already burned Russia in the past when it acquired a small number of Russian Su-27 Flanker jets and then reverse-engineered the J-11B aircraft.
In comparison, Indo-Russian military transfers do not have such a checkered past. If China’s questionable reverse engineering practices and its already developed industrial base were factored into Russia’s decision-making calculus, India would emerge as a far superior long-term partner for the Russian arms trade. Going forward, a period of dissonance is to be expected, before India and Russia can adjust to the realpolitik of the present
Need of the Hour
India has to rebuild on its strengths and common concerns with the Russians.
Both have to revitalize their earlier agreement on sharing intelligence for a joint strategy on terrorism. Indian and Russian anxieties on terrorism need to converge and bring about some positive outcome.
India needs to deepen its scientific and technological relations with Russia since a base for this already exists.
India can use some creative means to build a Russia-India-China (RIC) alliance.
Needs focus is increasing trade and investment ties between India and Russia.
Recent Development
In October 2016 The Russian President visited India for the 17th bilateral summit between India and Russia.
PM Modi highlighted the “special and privileged strategic partnership” between India and Russia by quoting that, “An old friend is better than two new friends.”
Key Highlights of the Bilateral Summit
Cross Border Terrorism- Condemned unequivocally and sealed a deal on ‘information security’ to counter terrorism, drug trafficking and other illegal cross-border activities.
Defence Sector- Agreement to buy Russia’s most advanced S-400 ‘Triumf’ anti-missile defence system, to manufacture Kamov-226T utility helicopters and four improved Krivak or Talwar class stealth.
Regional Integration and Trade- Emphasize on implementation of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC).
Infrastructure and Technology- Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) to invest in a sub-fund under the National Infrastructure Investment Fund (NIIF) of India.
Nuclear Power Project- Modi and Putin both jointed declared the second unit of Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant (Units 5 and 6).
Russian Largest FDI in India- Russian oil firm Rosneft and United Capital Partners signed an agreement to acquire Essar Energy Holdings Ltd’s refining and retail assets at $10.9 billion, making it Russia’s largest foreign direct investment in India.
Conclusion
A sharp rise in Russia-China defense ties, the assertive foreign policy of a rising China in the IndoPacific, and the China-Pakistan nexus will all encourage India to continue to strengthen ties with Russia. It is clear that India-Russia relations remain vital for both countries amid a changing regional and global security environment.
More will need to be done if the relationship is to play the role both countries clearly expect.∙ With more emphasis on defence deals as well as energy ties in recent times, India tried to ward off the impression that it is tilting towards the United States of America.
India and the African countries are in news lately, however the ties between the two regions date back to the ancient civilizations. Along with geographical proximity, there are factors such as the cultural connect, colonial past and development hurdles that are more or less common to both and thus bring each other much closer.
In this context it can be rightly said that through cooperation if the opportunities of these two regions is utilized, then there cannot be anything bigger in the geopolitical world scenario today than this cooperation.
Although triggered by the unfortunate racist attacks, however in this article we would try to learn and focus on the historical ties, how this relationship moved ahead and where do we stand today. This article intends to make the learners aware about the two regions in the most comprehensive manner and build a base for future understanding and correlation with the topic.
Backgrounder:
Once known as the ‘dark continent’ by the colonial exploiters due to inaccessibility into the interiors of the continent
The geographical proximity between the two was an important factor for building up relations during the ancient and the colonial period
Ancient Period
During the ancient period, the Indian merchants were in the constant look out beyond the Arabian Sea towards the west for lucrative markets. Slowly, the increasing people-to-people contacts made them a part of ‘Indian Ocean circuit of trade’
They sailed regularly to the Zenj coast (Zanzibar) for palm oil, gold, copper, spices, ivory, rhino horn etc.
They sold cloth, metal implements, foodstuff like wheat, rice and jaggery, besides porcelain and glassware
Trade developed through the knowledge of favourable sea winds and the development of a suitable marine technology
Periplus of Erythrean Sea, a first century AD merchants’ sailor guide throws light on the thriving trade between India and the Western Indian Ocean region
It also stated that India’s trading contacts were spread from Egypt to coastal to northern Somalia, ancient land of Punt, kingdom of Kush (Sudan) and Axum
Islamic Era
Indian presence in Africa is also seen during the Islamic age. The Venetian traveller Marco Polo mentioned explicitly about the Gujarati and Saurashtrian merchants on Africa’s east coast
The use of Indian system of weights and measures and Cowries as currency, pointed to the fact that Indians were playing a key role in this area
Not only economic benefits, the trade also contributed to the development of internal links in the African continent even before the advent of Europeans
By seventeenth century, the nature of Indian Ocean trade underwent a radical change due to demand for captives who could be sold as slaves.
During the medieval time the Africans came to India and were part of the muslim rule in India
A good example could be of ‘Malik Amber’ and the ‘Siddis’ who are still a part of the Indian population and are settled in parts of Gujarat, Karnataka and Hyderabad
Advent of Colonialism
With the advent of European colonial powers in India and Africa, the trade pattern underwent a significant change as Indo–African relations entered a new era of ‘colonialism’
During the colonialism period, trade continued and also started the slave trade
The Indians who went to Africa as slaves and post abolition of slavery, as the indentured labourers, and the merchant class of Gujarat slowly settled down there
India’s link with the African continent dates back to the anti-apartheid struggle of Mahatma Gandhi with the colonial rulers in South Africa
India has been aggressively putting forward the issue of apartheid on multilateral forums such as UN, NAM And Commonwealth
Post-Colonial Period
The foundations were laid by Mahatma Gandhi. According to him, there will be a “commerce of ideas and services and not of raw materials and goods like imperialist powers”. The present government continues to take this approach as the foundation of India’s Africa Policy. According to Vice President Hamid Ansari, “ India shares Africa’s dreams and India Africa cooperation is genuine 2 way street partnership”
Relations uptill 1960:
Nehru talked about Afro Asian solidarity. African countries provided strength to Nehru’s NAM. The policy in this phase is described as “ideational” and “pragmatic”
2nd phase (1970s – 1990s):
There was neglect of Africa because of India’s attention on South Asia and India’s attention on inward looking foreign policy. Though India in this phase continued to support Africa against Apartheid.
3rd phase (1990s onwards):
This is the phase of reengagement with Africa. However the lead was taken by private sector, rather than government. Private sector of India should be given credit to push attention of GoI towards the region of strategic and economic importance.
Present status of relations:
Since 2008, India and Africa relations have been institutionalized. India has started engagement with African Union (Pan African Platform). So far 3 summits have been organized under the aegis of India Africa Forum Summit. It is to be noted that the approach of GoI is also influenced by China. China has also initiated the Forum for Africa and China cooperation in the year 2000.
Importance of Africa:
Geostrategic
Africa is critical to India’s security, especially the Horn of Africa region, because of its proximity with India. The threat of radicalism, piracy, organized crime emerge from this region
Economic
Africa can help us in diversifying our energy sources, which is one of the stated objective of our Integrated Energy Policy
Africa also contains rich reservoir of valuable minerals, metals including gold and diamond
Africa provides a space for Indian investment
Africa has ample agricultural land which cab address India’s food security. India is looking at leasing land in Africa to overcome the land deficit that we face in terms of arable land
Geopolitical
Support of African countries is important for India’s aim of gaining a permanent seat in UNSC
Africa provides a space for displaying both India’s soft and hard power
India has been actively involved in peace and stability of African countries through UN Peace keeping operations. India is involved in capacity building of African countries. Africa is also the largest beneficiary of India’s ITEC programme
History of India Africa Relations:
Strategies adopted by Indian government:
Pan African level engagement
Partnership with regional organization
Development partnership through IBSA and BRICS
Bilateral engagement with countries
Involving Indian communities and Indian Diaspora
Whether India’s relationship with Africa should be seen through Chinese prism?
While China has been in Africa’s infrastructure, mining, oil and natural gas sectors for many years, India, despite moving late, has worked through training, education and capacity-building programmes — which have been very well-received by the countries.
China is developing series of important ports in Africa on the western and eastern coast right uptill Mediterranean and building rail linkages to connect to those ports
Over the last 15 years, India-Africa trade has gone up 20 times, and reached, according to the government, $ 70 billion.
Indian investment in Africa is between $ 30 billion and $ 35 billion.
India has given concessional credit to the tune of $ 7.4 billion, of which $ 5 billon has been disbursed. The credit lines have helped create 137 projects in 41 countries.
A Pan-African e-Network for education and health is functional in 48 countries.
Since 2008, India has extended 40,000 scholarships to African countries under ITEC programme
Thus it would be wrong to conclude that India’s African outreach is with a view to counter China’s expanding influencing in the region.
Moreover Chinese strategy of exporting Chinese labour as part of its push to create excess capacity abroad to counter unemployment in China is rattling the African population. There have been protests against the discriminatory employment practices of China in matters of employment in Nigeria, Kenya etc.
Challenges India faces from the presence of countries like U.S in Africa
S trade with Africa initially was high because of its strategy to reduce dependence of middle East oil and hence they went for greater purchase from Africa. With shale revolution in USA, trade volume has declined.
USA still involved in infrastructural development, export of commodities (food stuff, refined products), export of equipments, projects for Mineral exploration. All these fields are also what India is interested in. Same is the case with china
USA along with China has also been offering soft loans which are being lapped up by capital starved African nations
Shortcomings of U.S (and other developed countries) involvement
S products are too costly for African customers compared to Indian and Chinese products
Export of raw materials to USA unlikely to grow a lot because of relative stagnation of GDP growth rate of U.S economy compared to India and china
USA’s involvement in building transport infra etc can lead to increased sale of Indian cars etc which are cheaper
Development of African primary industries by these countries can lead to increased exports to India
Shortcomings of India’s involvement in Africa
In terms of cheque book diplomacy, India can not compete with China or U.S. Some of the African countries, even the richer ones like Nigeria, expect India to bear gifts for them under IAFS. However India asserts for joint endeavour for better development
India abrogates its responsibility in terms of mid stream and down stream delivery processes, instead relying on multilateral agencies like African Union. This leads to India losing credit for a project despite the financial, technological backing it gives
India contributed a lot more than other countries in terms of ebola relief but did not highlight it. Indian assistance was largely through multilateral forums and in a piecemeal manner
Impact of IAFS process so far:
India has committed unprecedented level of resources to Africa (in soft loans and grants). $5bn in soft loans, half a billion dollars in grants, institution building and training fellowship to Africa
Earlier in IAFS 1 India had offered DFQF (Duty Free Quota Free) access to LDCs of Africa
Increased people to people contact as observed in the increasing flow of medical tourists, students, trainees and Indian entrepreneurs and experts.
IAFS process has also given a boost to cultural and information contact and mutual awareness
Growth in India’s trade and investment activities has partially slowed down due to the effects of recession.
SWOT analysis
Strength
Indian diaspora in Africa to be leveraged for involvement in building social infra
Similar socio economic challenges and historical linkages
Indian developmental model more in line with Africa’s needs
Private sector involvement in Africa. India’s private sector is involved in 2x more Greenfield projects as compared to Chinese counterparts. Another advantage that India has, in any projects it employs local people thereby generating employment, earning goodwill. China exports Chinese labour.
Weakness
Multiple competing interests present. China and USA are the top 2 trading partners
Chequebook diplomacy can not be done by India
Lack of emphasis on bilateral relationships instead engaging mostly through forums like IAFS
Opportunities
Shift from line of credit approach to private sector involvement which would help in providing loans at cheaper interest rate, risk mitigation
Better organized, more coherent and faster responding mechanism accompanied by an appropriate media campaign required for highlighting India’s contribution
Threats
Bureaucratic hurdle in trade expansion as we interact largely with African Union. We have focus on nations individually to take projects forward
No efforts by India to curb racial discrimination. Several reports in the past have highlighted that the propensity if Indians to discriminate on grounds of race is quiet high. China has undertaken educational projects to bury the African stereotype
A Brief Analysis of the Third India-Africa Forum Summit
‘New Hopes, New Horizons’
The Third India-Africa Forum Summit held recently unveiled a “dynamic and transformative agenda”. This agenda is of mutual empowerment and mutual resurgence between India and the African nations to strengthen the bond even more in the future.
This was the third summit, which was started in 2008, since when two summits had taken place.
However, this is the first time that 54 heads of the states out of a total of 54 in the African continent came to India together for one cause.
There were commemorative coins that were released to mark the event. They were as shown below:
Source: MEA
Development Partnership
The ‘Delhi Declaration’ of 2015 envisages the India-Africa partnership in development. On the same lines, India would be providing a credit of $10 billion to Africa for development projects along with a grant assistance of $600 million.
This grant includes development fund, health fund and scholarship for students in India. The Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation(ITEC) programme has already laid base for knowledge sharing and has acted as a bridge to connect students from both the sides.
The Delhi Declaration is in sync with the ‘Africa’s Vision 2063’ which also focusses on growth, stability and prosperity.
Arc of Prosperity
India-Africa Business Forum was also held as an important segment of the summit. It is noteworthy that the India-Africa trade has exceeded $70 billion!
Along with economic development through public private partnerships, institution building, infrastructure development and development of small and medium enterprises, the focus will also be on poverty alleviation, healthcare, education and sustainable development.
Blue Economy
An agenda was brought out in the summit or the development of blue economy or ocean economy which is aimed at development of marine resources sustainably for the growth and development of countries like India, on the African coast and other littoral states with coastlines.
Commemorative stamps were also issued during the summit:
Source: MEA
Strategic Partnership
India called for partnership with Africa in raising voice for the reform of international institutions such as the United Nations and its security council.
It also stressed for collective action for climate change with the mantra of ‘clean and green’. It includes the invitation given by India to all the African countries to be a part of the Indian initiative and join the ‘Solar Club’ for a partnership in areas of clean energy, sustainable habitats, public transport and climate resilient agriculture.
Partners in Peace
India is a major partner in the UN Peacekeeping missions in the African continent. The major peacekeeping missions in Africa in which India is involved are:
Democratic Republic of Congo
South Sudan
Ivory Coast
Liberia
Till date, India has deployed about 4,500 soldiers on the ground. This includes the only fully formed Indian female police unit in Liberia.
Cultural Bonding
Opportunities for India
Apart from the immense opportunities as can be comprehended from the above analysis of the third India-Africa Forum Summit, some of the rest can be listed as below:
India has the opportunity to benefit from Africa’s rich resources such as coal, oil, and natural gas reserves whereas Africa would gain from India’s world-class downstream capabilities
Indian banks to expand their footprint on the continent for developing Africa’s financial market
The huge market can serve as an alternative to ours
The hydrocarbon from Africa is a source of clean, energy efficient fuel which is of immense importance given India’s ambitious goals for energy production and security
The importance of the ties between India and Africa was realized by our forefathers too for the development of both the land and the people.
The great leader of the world in General and Africa in particular ‘Nelson Mandela’ once remarked:
Taking ahead the culture of civilization tying it with our ancient past, it can be very rightly concluded by Mahatma Gandhi’s views:
Prime Minister’s African nation visit includes Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya. The visit of Prime Minister comes close on the heels of the high level visit earlier by President Pranab Mukherjee and Vice President Hamid Ansari.
kenya-tanzania
Earlier visit of Vice president to Morocco and Tunisia covered North Africa. Later President’s visit to Ghana, Namibia and Ivory Coast covered West Africa. Now the Prime Minister’s visit covers South and East Africa. Through this our three topmost leaders have covered the whole of Africa .
It is projected that by 2020 the collective GDP of all African nations will be $2.6 trillion.
Strategic significance of Prime Minister’s visit
The Prime Minister’s focus of the African tour is on deepening cooperation in areas of hydrocarbons, maritime security, trade and investment, agriculture and food. Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya are very important and all are littoral states. They had very close connection with India.
India-Kenya ties have stood the test of time. Both our nations have had very strong people-to-people ties and both nations have successfully fought colonialism in the previous century.
Mozambique was a Portuguese colony earlier. Till 1750 the country was managed from Goa. There are large numbers of Goans in Mozambique.
Prime Minister addressed the Indian Diaspora at Nairobi. Terrorism and Global Warming are the two major global challenges faced by all the nations. No country is immune to the state of terrorism. Concerted action is required by the global community through UN frame work.
India and Tanzania have agreed to deepen overall defense and security partnership, especially in the maritime domain.
India’s strengths
India had age old cultural, historic and civilization ties with Africa and around 16th century India’s indentured labor had come here and now they have all prospered and helped in the progress of these countries.
India and Africa are neighbors which are connected by Indian Ocean. Maritime security, counter terrorism operation, utilization of the Blue Economy is the important element between India and Africa.
There are opportunities for Indian private companies and Public sector entities to invest in Africa. India is interested in securing energy needs, renewable and non conventional sources of energy where Africa is rich in all these resources.
Energy security is a significant element of our partnership with Africa. 25% of India’s total investment in Africa is in Mozambique that is $8 billion. Around 10% of total investment is in Tanzania that is $3 billion. These investments are in the field of Energy.
India will grow and India will need Energy. Large numbers of countries of Africa are members of International Solar Alliance. Prime Minister also met ‘Solar Mamas’, a group of rural women solar engineers from Africa who have been trained under Government of India-supported programme to fabricate, install, use, repair and maintain solar lanterns and household solar lighting systems in their villages
Difference in India and China approach in Africa
India is different from other large investors in Africa. China is considered to be exploitative in terms of exploitation of Natural resources and there is not much benefit to the local people of Africa.
China has acquired land for agriculture which has got its own work force and this has not benefited Africa.
India wants African nation to get equal benefits from India’s economic development in Africa. India wants a win-win situation for both the countries.
There are concerns that India has been very slow on delivery. It makes promises and commitments, but it doesn’t have the wherewithal. There was a tangential comparison with china where china was able to deliver. India in the last 2 years has demonstrated through certain projects that now India will deliver on its promises.
India is interested in improving the living standards of the common people. Whether it is energy, renewable energy, agriculture, food processing etc. The strength India has in terms of Human Resource Development, capacity building, education, health care and large numbers of African students are in India.
$92 million line of credit that has been agreed to is for water distribution and purification systems. India has long term agreement with Mozambique for the purchase of pulses.
19 April 1951: European Coal and Steel Community Treaty signed by Germany, France, Ireland, Luxembourg, Belgium and Netherlands. May 1952: European Defence Community (EDC) Treaty. August 1954: France rejects the EDC treaty. 25 March 1957: Treaties of Rome signed: creates Common Market / European Economic Community (EEC) and European Atomic Energy Community. 1 January 1958: Treaties of Rome come into effect.
1960s
1961: Britain tries to join the EEC but is rejected. January 1963: Franco-German Treaty of Friendship; they agree to work together on many policy issues. January 1966: Luxembourg Compromise gives majority vote on some issues, but leaves national veto on key areas. 1 July 1968: Full customs union created in the EEC, ahead of schedule. 1967: British application again rejected. December 1969: Hague summit to “relaunch” the Community, attended by heads of state.
1970s
1970: Werner Report argues economic and monetary union possible by 1980. April 1970: Agreement for EEC to raise own funds through levies and customs duties. October 1972: Paris Summit agrees plans for future, including economic and monetary union and ERDF fund to support depressed regions. January 1973: UK, Ireland and Denmark join. March 1975: First meeting of the European Council, where heads of state gather to discuss events. 1979: First direct elections to European Parliament. March 1979: Agreement to create the European Monetary System.
1980s
1981: Greece joins. February 1984: Draft Treaty on European Union produced. December 1985: Single European Act agreed; takes two years to ratify. 1986: Portugal and Spain join. 1 July 1987: Single European Act comes into effect.
1990s
February 1992: Maastricht Treaty / Treaty on European Union signed. 1993: Single Market begins. 1 November 1993: Maastricht Treaty comes into effect. 1 January 1995: Austria, Finland and Sweden join. 1995: Decision taken to introduce the single currency, the Euro. 2 October 1997: Treaty of Amsterdam makes minor changes. 1 January 1999: Euro introduced in eleven counties. 1 May 1999: Treaty of Amsterdam comes into effect.
2000s
2001: Treaty of Nice signed; extends majority voting. 2002: Old currencies withdrawn, ‘Euro’ becomes sole currency in majority of EU; Convention on the Future of Europe created to draw up constitution for larger EU. 1 February 2003: Treaty of Nice comes into effect. 2004: Draft constitution signed. 1 May 2004: Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovak Republic, Czech Republic, Slovenia join. 2005: Draft constitution rejected by voters in France and the Netherlands. 2007: Lisbon Treaty signed, this modified the constitution until it was deemed a sufficient compromise; Bulgaria and Romania join. June 2008: Irish voters reject Lisbon Treaty. October 2009: Irish voters accept Lisbon Treaty. 1 December 2009: Lisbon Treaty comes into effect. 2013: Croatia joins. 2016: United Kingdom votes to leave.
The European Union has seven institutions: the European Parliament, the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, the European Council, the European Central Bank, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Auditors.
The European Council gives direction to the EU and convenes at least four times a year. It comprises the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission and one representative per member state; either its head of state or head of government.
The European Council has been described by some as the Union’s “supreme political authority”. It is actively involved in the negotiation of the treaty changes and defines the EU’s policy agenda and strategies.
The European Council uses its leadership role to sort out disputes between member states and the institutions and to resolve political crises and disagreements over controversial issues and policies.
The European System of Financial Supervisors is an institutional architecture of the EU’s framework of financial supervision composed by three authorities: the European Banking Authority, the European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority and the European Securities and Markets Authority.
To complement this framework, there is also a European Systemic Risk Board under the responsibility of the ECB.
The aim of this financial control system is to ensure the economic stability of the EU.
The European Parliament allows the citizens of the EU to participate directly in European political affairs. The citizens of the 28 member states appoint their deputies in the national elections for a five-year period. These deputies are to represent the interests of their electors on a European level. The latest elections (by direct universal suffrage) took place in May 2014.
The European Commission (EC) is an institution of the European Union, responsible for proposing legislation, implementing decisions, upholding the EU treaties and managing the day-to-day business of the EU. Commissioners swear an oath at the European Court of Justice in Luxembourg, pledging to respect the treaties and to be completely independent in carrying out their duties during their mandate. The Commission operates as a cabinet government, with 28 members of the Commission (informally known as “commissioners”).
The Court of Justice of the European Union is the Union’s only body of a legal nature. It is a sort of legislative watchdog in charge of verifing the interpretation and the application of community legislation.
Importance of EU:
The European Union is our largest trading partner, and our largest export destination. And it is our largest source of Foreign Direct Investment.
However, India’s exports to EU in 2014-15 had shrunk (-) 4.4 per cent year on year to $49.3 billion. Imports from EU had also contracted (-) 1.5 per cent in 2014-15 to $49.2 billion.
Deadlock in Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement (BITA)
The BTIA negotiations have remained deadlocked over growing differences regarding greater market access sought by both sides for merchandise exports.
EU’s main Demands
EU has been keen on reducing or abolishing tariffs in several sectors, including in the automobile and wine and spirits sectors.
India’s import duty on cars are between 60 and 120 per cent as against the EU’s 10 per cent.
The EU is keen that India should adopt stringent IP protection standards even if that means going beyond the WTO specified standards.
The problem of India’s model BIT
India’s new model bilateral investment treaty (BIT) is another major contentious issue, especially for foreign investment.
Given the experiences of major European companies such as Vodafone and Cairn, who are battling the imposition of retrospective taxes by India, the EU is deeply concerned about the protection of itsinvestments in India.
India’s main demands
India’s main demands on data security status (crucial for India’s information technology sector to do more business with the EU firms), easier temporary movement of skilled professionals and seamless intracorporatemovement.
The EU should do away with their non-tariff barriers that seem to have been erected mainly to protect some of their local firms but not as much for better safety or quality.
India has also sought agricultural market access in the EU as well as disciplining of Sanitary and Phytosanitary (norms related with plants and animals) and Technical Barriers to Trade.
Other major issues between India and EU:
Human rights violation: One of the ostensible reasons for stalled talks between the European Union (EU) and India had been the EU concern over human right violations in India.
Italian marines case has also played a spoiler in the EU-India relationship.
Arbitrary Ban: In August 2015, India had deferred FTA over the EU imposing a ban on sale of around 700 pharma products.
13TH INDIA-EU SUMMIT
The 13th EU-India Summit was held in Brussels on March 2016.
Outcome of summit:
The 13th India-EU Summit concluded in Brussels without a consensus on a bilateral free trade deal even as progress was made in bilateral cooperation in other fields — from foreign policy to outer space.
Following arethe major outcomes of the summit:
EU-India Agenda for Action-2020
India and the European Union (EU) have endorsed the ‘EU-India Agenda for Action 2020’ as a common road map for the strategic partnership in the next five years.
Foreign Policy and Security Cooperation: Strengthen foreign policy cooperation, in areas of mutual interest such as Asia, Africa, the Middle East/West Asia, Europe, and other relevant areas.
Security: Strengthen cooperation and work towards tangible outcomes on shared objectives of nonproliferation & disarmament, counter-piracy, counter-terrorism (including counter -radicalization) and cyber security.
The two sides agreed to cooperate in countering violent extremism, disrupt recruitment of terrorists and prevent the free passage of foreign fighters.
They have also agreed to explore the possibility of India and EUROPOL, the EU law enforcement agency, to share intelligence.
The Common Agenda on Migration and Mobility (CAMM), which was also adopted, is designed to control and organize migration a pressing concern for the EU.
The Agenda also includes the prevention of human trafficking and promoting international protection as priority areas.
Joint Declaration on an India-EU Water Partnership (IEWP): The objective of this Joint Declaration is to strengthen technological, scientific and management capabilities of India and the EU in the field of water management on the basis of equality, reciprocity and mutual benefit.
Joint Declaration on a Clean Energy and Climate Partnership.
Both sides agreed to further the negotiations on early conclusion of the BTIA.
The European Investment Bank (EIB) signed an agreement with India to release the first tranche of 200 million euros of its total 450 million euros loan towards the construction of the Lucknow Metro’s first line.
Challenges before EU:
Eurozone crisis- The root of this problem is lied in the formation in EU itself. Crisis in one country affects the other countries as well, and now many countries in EU are facing economic crisis(PIGS countries) and it has affected other prosperous countries like France and Germany as well.
Refugee crisis– Situated aside Mediterranean sea, it has become a destination for many refugees who left their home from West Asia and North Africa due to troubled conditions in these regions. the influx of so many refugees has created problems related to higher economic burden in already suffering europe, law and order problem, ethnic clashes between natives and migrants etc.
Problem of extremism- The rise of ISIL and the recent attacks in Paris and Belgium has exposed the vulnerabilities of youths in europe towards extremist ideologies as the attacks were happened with no outside supports.
Huge number of refugees and migrants have been shifting to Europe, from many countries like Syria, particularly since 2011. They see Europian Union (EU) as their asylum. With more number of refugees coming in at a time when the natives don’t want any more, the whole situation has developed into a crisis. This crisis is called European Refugee Crisis.
The refugees are not only from Syria!
More than 5 Lakh people have crossed to Europe by sea and land. Most of them are from Syria – troubled not only by civil war, but also by the most violent and inhumane atrocities by ISIS. But Syria is not the single source. They come from areas such as the Middle East (Syria, Iraq), Africa (Eritrea, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Gambia), South Asia and Central Asia. According to International Organisation for Migration (IOM) statistics, a substantial number of refugees are also from Afghanistan and Pakistan too due to unending civil conflicts in these countries.
The phrase “European migrant crisis” became widely used in April 2015, when five boats carrying almost two thousand migrants to Europe sank in the Mediterranean Sea, with a combined death toll estimated at more than 1,200 people.
Migrants and Refugees – Statistics
According to UNHCR, the UN’s refugee agency, 59.5 million people were forcibly displaced in 2014 which again rose considerably in 2015.
A record number of 1,07,500 migrants reached the borders of European Union in recent months.
Between 2000 and 2015, around 30, 000 have perished along these borders.
This figures stand as a witness that this crisis didn’t started only after ISIS emerged. The increasing number of unaccompanied minors seeking asylum in Europe is seen as a dangerous growing trend among refugees. In 2014 alone around 24,000 unaccompanied minors applied for asylum. Many of the children who arrive are at the age group of 15 to 17 with no formal schooling adding more headaches to host countries.
The European Response to Migrant Crisis
Germany and the EU have been pushing for other EU members to work out a plan for asylum seekers. Britain leads among countries which strictly rejects it. The Right-Wing PM of Hungary has appealed to refugees not to try and cross into Hungary which has fenced its borders with razor wire. Bulgaria, Czech, Slovakia and Poland all are reluctant in taking of refugees making the situation grave.
Germany is expected to give green signal to almost 1 million applicants for asylum. After extensive criticisms by Media on Refugee crisis, EU has started to take few favourable steps.
Initially Europe greeted immigrants with barbed wires, tear gas and police brutality. Only after huge outcry across International media and from human rights and progressive organisations within Europe, eased the curbs on refugees.
Aylan: Another incident which helped to garner pro- refugee sentiments was photo of dead child Aylan on a beach. A mishap happened from his father who accidently dropped him from an overcrowded boat while trying to escape. These photos send jitters across world and thanks to social media which made sure that this photo was seen by everyone who has an account.
Also Pope Francis statement that every Church in Europe should take a refugee family has given hope to many that it may change the mood in European Right Wing’s mind.
Countries have started to take more refugees peacefully now. European people have been welcoming refugees with water, food, shoes and blankets. Though Italy, Greece and Hungary are the frontline countries of reception, most sort after destinations are Germany, Sweden, Austria and Switzerland.
Why Europe?
Europe is the most preferred destination for the people from this war conflicted regions as its economically prosperous, socially secure and has friendly immigration laws.
Mostly it’s not because refugees are opportunists that they walk to EU but it’s due to dangerous situation they and their families has to live. Endless wars, conflicts have ruined their countries political, economic and social equilibrium.
Also it’s surprising why GCC countries never have been helpful or receptive to refugee crisis especially when it’s happening in their backyard. Rich countries like Saudi Arabia and Qatar has to play more pro- active roles in this situation. So obviously Europe as nearest land seems to be their immediate hope to go as they can trek or use boats or ships to reach.
Macro level causes for Refugee Crisis
West: A short and quick look into history will show you that countries who are responsible for this situation are the ones who have to bear pain of this crisis i.e Europe or to put in a cliché ‘West’ inclusive of US. Middle East can be said as the holy grail of West since oil was accidentally found by two American gentlemen in Saudi Arabia. No doubt it was a boon to natives and even to millions of Asian and African immigrants to Middle East but also it paved the way to unending geo-political crisis across the region. Before finding oil just like Asia and Africa European colonialism had sucked all its wealth and when time came to leave the place like everywhere, Imperial powers left without solving issues created by them mainly land disputes within neighbours. Example is Israel and Palestine issue.
Dictatorship regimes and Islamic fundamentalism: Continuous dictatorship type regimes and Islamic fundamentalism made Middle East most volatile n disturbed place on the planet. Western powers in order to make their oil supply smooth and to be part of Gulf Boom started in early 80’s always took a partial stand on these issues.
Shia-Sunni divide: Another villain to already worsened situation was Shia-Sunni divide among people, society and regimes which led to many conflicts. This reason has led many natives to flee as refugees in the past from Palestine, during Iraq-Iran war, Iraq-Kuwait war etc.
Wars: This refuge crisis has given Europe a reality check on its wars on many regions of MENA (Middle East and North African region). Wars on these lands didn’t ease the situation even though they were able to kill or defeat dictator leaders. By war, infrastructure and liveable conditions of already abysmal level got more deteriorated. These resulted natives of these lands to search green pastures which happened to be Europe and hence started Refugee crisis.
Democracy movements and civil war: Present refugees crisis didn’t started yesterday but it has been seen a huge surge from Libya conflict. If we go again back refugee problem as a crisis started from US, UK joint war to liberate Iraq.
ISIS: Emergence of ISIS just sky rocketed the whole thing. Western powers in a way failed to bring stable regimes to these lands. People in a way got sandwiched between atrocities of ISIS or ineffective regimes backed by West on one side and on the other side hunger, poverty and tyranny. Only way to survive for them was to initiate long walk towards Europe! Thus started one of the biggest Exoduses ever seen in history.
Adding fuel to fire
Saudi Arabia has been attacking and bombing Yemen.
Asylum denied refugees may join ISIS.
Turkey’s intolerance with Kurds
Syrian Conflict have been going on for 4 years but why suddenly this crisis?
War in Syria against ISIS is not getting any better. It made Syrians to leave their country to Turkey which is closest and they thought once war is over, they can return.
Even though Turkey has taken 2 million refugees, it’s not a country for people to stay in the long run as Right to work for refugees are not legal yet. Also new regime of Turkey is also not quite favourable to refuges as previous government. It has made refugees reluctant to go to Turkey.
UN organisations working with millions of refuges in Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon are running short of funds to keep up the relief work and expenses of camp making people to think of going to Europe. Similar is the situation among UN camps catering to the needs of refugees in Eastern Europe.
Many people have saved required money to use legally or illegally to get into Germany.
People have familiarised with the route via Balkan to trek to EU.
EU countries have been sitting as a lame duck all this year’s talking, discussing on refugee crisis without sensing urgent need of a solution or to deal with such a situation.
Still EU should understand that what they are facing now is just a tip of iceberg compared to neighbouring countries of Syria when it comes to dealing with refugees.
Conclusions with Possible Solutions
West in a way with its narrow minded Foreign Policy have destabilized West Asia and Middle East and now cannot show their back on refugee crisis.
Europe should include US which has been largely elusive on whole issue till now.
GCC countries should involve more in accepting refugees. It’s a blunder what Saudi Arabia is doing right now by attacking and bombing Yemen currently which will only add more refugees.
If Europe is going to push back the refugees, the situation will be more vicious. Such a stupidity will increase the chances of refugees joining with ISIS as they won’t have any other options to survive.
Turkey should end its anonymity with Kurds and involve them more into finding a solution and to defeat ISIS.
Assad regime should be made more accountable.
Include Russia and organise an all-out war against ISIS.
Finding a formula based solution which will end all tyranny is not practical but it’s time that Europe and US sit together and re-check their neo imperialistic and double faced foreign policies in West Asia and Middle East.
Also Western powers should stop Saudi Arabia from funding Wahhabis ideology being spread in Middle East society which is resulting in more Islamic fundamentalism helping organisations like ISIS and Boko—Haram.
To all those who oppose to support refuges,“Recognize yourself in he and she who are not like you and me.” – Carlos Fuentes.
INDIA-GERMANY
Introduction
Bilateral relations between Germany and India are based on a sound foundation of mutual respect, understanding and support. The cooperation between both countries covers a wide range of areas from political action and growing economic exchange to landmark cultural events.
It is complementary as India and Germany both contribute their particular and unique strengths to this truly strategic partnership.
The relationship, based on common values of democracy and rule of law has gained significantly in strength in the 1990s following India’s economic liberalization and the end of cold War. The strategic partnership between India and Germany gained light with the signing of Germany and India cooperate closely on the issue of UNSC expansion within the framework of G-4.
Historical Background
The history of Indo-German political relations goes back to the late nineteenth century, when the ‘Imperial German Consulate’ (Kaiserlich Deutsches Generalkonsulat) started operating from Calcutta (now Kolkata).
As one of the first countries, India diplomatically acknowledged and accepted the Federal Republic of Germany after the end of the Second World War in 1945. The diplomatic recognition of Germany by the Indian government smoothened the way for a long lasting and continuous relationship for over 60 years up to the present day.
Thus, in 1951, the Indian Union and Germany decided to establish economic relationships to gear up their partnership. With that in mind, the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru made his first visit to post-war Germany and its first Chancellor Konrad Adenauer (Christian Democratic Union – CDU) in the same year.
Also, Germany established its Consulate General in Bombay (now Mumbai) in 1951, leading of the establishment of a full-fledged Embassy in New Delhi in 1952
Importance of Germany for India
India and Germany share strong bilateral relations extending over economic, cultural and security issues–ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE
Germany is the largest trade-partner of India in Europe.
Germany’s importance can be traced from the fact that India has announced a Fast-Track mechanism for German Companies in the DIPP.
Germany’s looks forward to employ young Indian labour to overcome its demographic deficit.
–STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE
India and Germany seek a permanent seat with veto powers at the United Nations Security Council and have joined with Japan and Brazil to co-ordinate their efforts via the G4 collective.
–SECURITY IMPORTANCE
Technologically advanced Germany can contribute a lot to India to strengthen its security programs. Currently, both nations are holding meetings on Counter-Terrorism and Cyber-Dialogues.
Germany supports India’s membership to NSG and MTCR(Missile Technology and Control Group.
–ROLE OF GERMANY IN INDIA’s RENEWABLE ENERGY SECTOR
Germany has invested heavily in the Green Energy Corridors Partnership and has extended co-operated in the India-Germany Solar Energy Partnership which can help India achieve its target of 175 GW by 2022.
Germany has also extended its help to India’s National Electric Mobility Mission which can reduce the dependence on the fossils.
German Economy
Germany – the fifth largest economy in the world in PPP terms and Europe’s largest – is a leading exporter of machinery, vehicles, chemicals, and household equipment and benefits from a highly skilled labor force German Economy contracted by 5.1% in 2009 but grew by 3.6% in 2010, and 3.1% in 2011.
The recovery was attributable primarily to rebounding manufacturing orders and exports – increasingly outside the Euro Zone. The worsening euro-zone financial crisis and the financial burden it places on Germany as well as falling demand for German exports has made domestic demand a more significant driver of Germany’s economic expansion.
Economic Relations
Germany is India’s most important trading partner within the European Union and the sixth most important trading partner in worldwide comparison. Since the beginning of the Indian reform policy in 1990, the bilateral trade volume has risen from 2.7 billion Euro to 16 billion Euro in 2014.
Germany is the 8th largest foreign direct investor in India since 2000. German FDI in India during the period 1991-February 2015, was valued at US$ 8.25 billion. German FDI in India in 2014 was to the tune of US$ 1.15 Indian investments in Germany have also shown a remarkable increase in the last few years and have invested over US $ 6 billion in Germany, mainly through M&As.
In the first 7 months of 2015, the bilateral trade volume compared to the previous year rose by 13%. German exports rose by 17.5%, while imports from India rose by 8,1%. The German trade surplus of around 1.9 billion Euro in 2014 is based on a high demand for German capital goods.
These are machinery that amount to a third of German exports to India, as well as electronic technology, metal ware, chemicals, automobiles and automotive parts. Indian exports to Germany consist mainly of textiles, chemicals, electronic technology, metal ware, leather and foods.
Angela Merkel Visit to India 2016
Bilateral relations between the Republic of India and the Germany have been traditionally strong due to commercial, cultural and technological co-operation. German Chancellor Angela Merkel travelled to India for the Third Indo- German Inter-Governmental Consultations.
A total of 18 agreements were signed, which covered a wide range of topics — from skill development to education, science and technology to aviation.
Highlights of the visit
Germany returned to India a 10th century Durga idol that had gone missing from a temple in Kashmir over two decades ago.
“Fast-track clearance mechanism”:
In a bid to attract German investment, India decided to set up a “fast-track clearance mechanism”. The only other such country-specific mechanism is for Japan.
The fast-track system for German companies will be taken care of by the Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion (DIPP), and will become operational by March 2016.
The two leaders also underlined the importance of freedom of navigation in international waters and the right of passage and other maritime rights in accordance with international law, in an apparent reference to growing Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea.
Germany has expressed its inability to sign the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT) with India, citing its provision for “death penalty” for heinous crimes and terror activities.
India and Germany agreed to resume talks towards a free trade agreement between Asia’s third-largest economy and the European Union.
Germany is India’s largest trading partner in the E.U. and one of the top ten global trading partners.
The overall exchange of goods and services between the two countries was valued at around around 15.96 billion euros last year, a drop of €1.14 billion from the level of €16.10 billion registered in 2013.
German Chancellor highlighted problems that German businesses have faced in operating in India, and hoped that the new agreement for a special “fast-track” mechanism would help them secure licences and clearances expeditiously.
Cooperation in clean energy:
The two countries agreed on the India Germany Climate and Renewable Energy Alliance — a comprehensive partnership to harness technology, innovation and finance in order to make affordable, clean and renewable energy accessible to all.
Germany has committed to providing an assistance of over 1 billion Euros for India’s Green Energy Corridor and a new assistance package of over 1 billion Euros for solar projects in India.
Germany is India’s “natural ally”
India’s natural partners would be countries that, on the one hand, do not compete with it either in the Market place or in power politics, and, on the other, have something to offer India that it lacks.
By assisting India in the quest for development and geo-economic growth, Germany has the opportunity to bolster their own rise in geopolitical terms.
Germany has surplus capital, modern technology and a demographic deficit.
India has a deficit of capital, lacks modern technology and has exportable human capital.
UN Security Council reform
Germany and India are vigorously pursuing UN security reform along with Japan and Brazil.
INDIA AND FRANCE
Relations between India and France have traditionally been close and friendly. With the establishment of strategic partnership in 1998, there has been a significant progress in all areas of bilateral cooperation. President François Mr. Hollande was Chief Guest at the Republic Day parade.
The relationship is based on shared values and real convergence on a whole range of regional and global issues.
France was the first country with which India entered into an agreement on Civil Nuclear Cooperation.
France has consistently supported India’s increasing role in international fora, including India’s permanent membership of the UNSC.
Trade relation
India-France trade hovers around $8 billion, which is half of India’s trade with UK or Germany. A big reason for this is the impasse in India’s economic relations with the European Union.
More than a thousand French companies have a total investment of about $20 billion in India.
Strategic partnership
In the post-Cold War period, France was the first country with which India established a ‘strategic partnership’. The only major Western power that described the U.S. as a “hyperpuissance” (hyperpower) and openly espoused the virtues of multi-polarity found a natural ideological convergence with India’sambitions of seeking strategic autonomy.
After the nuclear tests in May 1998, when India declared itself a nuclear state, France was the first major power to open talks with the country.
The strategic dialogue has been institutionalized at the level of National Security Advisors, and covers nuclear, defence, space and counter-terrorism, cyber security issues.
These have been given a boost by the agreement on intelligence-sharing and cooperation on investigations and judicial processes.
Rafale deal
India would buy 36 of the fighter planes in flyaway condition, citing critical operational requirements of the Indian Air Force.
The two countries have signed a MoU on purchase of Rafale fighter jets.
Nuclear agreement
The Jaitapur project, where French company Areva is to set up six nuclear reactors with a total power generation capacity of about 10,000 MW, has been stuck for long because of differences over the cost of the power generated.
Both countries have decided to clear the logjam by splitting the problem into different silos — allowing for separate mechanisms for the pricing issues and for the technical and legal aspects.
Solar energy
French President inaugurated the interim Secretariat of the International Solar Alliance at Gurgaon.
The French Development Agency will allocate for the development of solar energy €300 million over the next five years.
The International Solar Alliance, envisaged to bring together 122 countries that lie wholly or partly between the Tropic of Cancer and the Tropic of Capricorn, is an initiative announced by Mr. Modi at the COP 21 Summit in Paris in November 2015. The member countries are to be those that enjoy 300 or more days in a year of bright sunlight.
INDIA AND ITALY
Italian marine case
An international arbitration tribunal has ruled that Italian marine can return to Italy until it decides a dispute raised by Italy about India’s jurisdiction to try him and his colleague for the killing of two Indian fishermen in February 2012.
Subsequent to tribunal ruling, The Supreme Court ruled that Girone (Italian marine) can return to Italy while an international tribunal decides on a jurisdictional issue between India and Italy. The Supreme Court laid down conditions for releasing Mr. Girone.
He continues to remain under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and report to the local police station in Italy once every month. Also, the Italian authorities will keep the Indian embassy informed.
Envoy’s responsibility: The Italian Ambassador will take the responsibility of ensuring his return within a month in case the tribunal rules in favour of trial in India.
Background of the Case
Two Italian marines-Massimiliano Latorre and Mr. Girone are facing the charge of murdering two Indian
fishermen in 2012 off the Kerala coast.
Italy position
The Italian position is that the two marines positioned on board a merchant tanker, theEnrica Lexie, had opened fire to thwart what they perceived as a pirate attack 20.5 nautical miles off Kochi.
It is further argued that the death of the two Indian fishermen occurred in the course of the discharge of their operational duties, and hence functional immunity could be invoked as related to the militarypersonnel of any nation.
Italy argues that the case should not be heard in India because the incident occurred in international waters.
India’s position
India has steadfastly rejected Italian argument and has invoked its sovereign right to prosecute the accused under the provisions of Indian law.
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS)
In June 2015 Italy approached the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) in Hamburg.
The tribunal is adjudicating only on the limited question of whether India or Italy has the jurisdiction to try the two marines.
In August 2015 ITLOS ordered that: “Italy and India shall both suspend all court proceedings and refrain from initiating new ones which might aggravate or extend the dispute submitted to the Annex VII arbitral tribunal or might jeopardise or prejudice the carrying out of any decision which the arbitral tribunal may render.”
Subsequent to the ITLOS ruling, both parties agreed that the dispute would be resolved under the UNCLOS tribunal.
May 2, 2016: A U.N. arbitration court rules that India should release Italian marine Salvatore Girone.
International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS)
It is an intergovernmental organization created by the mandate of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. It was established by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, signed at MontegoBay, Jamaica, on December 10, 1982.
The tribunal is based in Hamburg, Germany.
The Tribunal has the power to settle disputes between party states.
INDIA-UK
Prime Minister Narendra Modi became the first Indian prime minister to visit the UK in almost a decade.
The two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to working together to build such an enhanced and transformative partnership for the betterment of their two countries and the world.
India and the U.K. announced an enhanced defence and strategic partnership as well as a civil nuclear agreement
Both countries for the first time, jointly pushing for the UN comprehensive convention on international terrorism (CCIT), and strengthening strategic cooperation and intelligence-sharing through annual consultations.
£9.2 Billion of commercial deals between the UK and India announced during the visit and listed in the annex.
Both countries announced three UK-India city partnerships with Indore, Pune and Amravati to support India’s ambitious urban development goals through technical assistance, expertise sharing and business engagement.
Both countries have launched a new Thames/Ganga partnership for healthy river systems. This partnership will consist of a collaborative programme of research and innovation to enable the sustainable management of water resources in the Ganga basin and a policy expert exchange in 2016 supported by the UK Water Partnership.
Announcement of setting up of joint India-UK Vaccine Development collaboration between the Department of Biotechnology and Research Councils, UK.
Trade and investment
U.K. is the largest G20 investor in India, while India invests more in the U.K. than the rest of the European Union combined. India has also emerged as the third largest source of FDI for the U.K. Indian companies employ 110,000 people in the UK.
Foreign direct investment inflows from Britain to India between April 2000 and March 2016 were worth $23.1 billion. The UK has accounted for 8.56% of total foreign direct investment in India during the last 15 years.
Bilateral trade has stalled at the level of $ 15-16 billion.
Visa issue
India has conveyed its concerns to the UK authorities about the new British immigration law that will impact professionals earning below 35,000 pounds annually.
Thousands of Indians and other nationals from outside the European Union (EU) living and working in Britain on a tier-2 visa may have to leave or be deported if they earn less than €35,000 a year once the terms of thevisa expire.
Indian professionals have formed the largest category of individuals issued such visas by the UK over the years.
Indian professionals are also facing visa related challenges in other countries, including the U.S. India has dragged the U.S. to the WTO over its decision to impose high fees on temporary working visas.
Issue of Pakistan
India believes that the UK should take a tougher line with Pakistan on terrorism. The UK argues that it needs to maintain a positive relationship with Pakistan, not least because of the size of the Pakistani diaspora.
UK PM visit to India 2016
In November 2016 Prime Minister of United Kingdom Theresa May was on three day visit to India, and it was her maiden visit to India after becoming Prime Minister of UK. India and United Kingdom enjoys the cordial relations since long time. Both countries are considered as two pillars of the Commonwealth, sharing democratic values and a world view on many political issues including terrorism.
Key Agreements signed during the visit
UK’s PM Theresa May offered frequent registered traveller scheme for Indians travelling to Britain for business.
The UK is also planning to restrict immigration through “work and study routes” which will have an impact on Indians being hired by British firms.
Both countries reaffirmed the importance of the strategic partnership between both and it delivers huge benefits for both countries.
About the traveller Scheme
Under the scheme, Indian nationals frequently visiting to the U.K. and contributing to growth in both countries will have a ‘significantly easier’ entry process including fewer forms to be filled, access to the EU-EEA passport controls, swifter passage through airports.
It will give a boost to trade and investment in both the∙ countries and strengthen ties between two nations.
About the Immigration Scheme
As per the proposal
Immigration system will be re-looked if it provides the right incentives for businesses to invest in British workers.
From December 2016, landlords renting out property to people with no right to be in the UK will be committing a criminal offence and could go to prison.
Immigration checks will be a mandatory requirement for those wanting to get a licence to drive a taxi.
From 2017, banks will have to do regular checks to ensure they are not providing essential banking services to illegal migrants.
Prospective impacts of the Immigration Scheme
The tightened immigration will “ensure gaps in the UK’s labour market.
The crackdown will affect students from India planning to study in the UK; their numbers are already at an all-time low.
The move may make it difficult for British firms to hire from outside the EU, including countries like India.
BREXIT
Brexit is a term used to define United Kingdom coming out of EU. Recently in a referendum conducted in United Kingdom, UK voted by a narrow margin in favour of Brexit. Negotiations are undergoing currently between United Kingdom and European Parliament to negotiate the terms of the exit deal.
About EU
European Union or EU is an experiment to transform the relations between nations based on functionalist ideology. It envisages to transform the relations between nations by enmeshing them in economic, social, cultural, political partnership. EU is currently a block of 28 countries and 19 countries have formed Eurozone.
Formation of European Union is an outcome of Single European Act, 1991. Mashtricht Treaty converted the EU into a monetary union. Lisbon Treaty strengthened political, foreign affairs and security integration of policies of countries of European Union
Lisbon Treaty (Article 50) provides for exit of member countries from European Union. For any country to come out of European Union, it has to negotiate a deal with EU. The deal will provide for a settlement between EU and UK
Opinion of Political Groups
UK Independence Party, under the leadership of Nigel Farrage led the “Leave” campaign of UK
Labour Party, under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn led the “Stay”’ campaign of UK
David Cameron, ex PM of UK agreed to hold a referendum on Unikted Kingdom’s future in EU. Conservatives were in favour of staying in EU
Why the clamour for Brexit
Economic reasons – The primary contention was that economically, Britain loses more than what it gains.
The first issue being that of membership fees paid – about 340 pounds per year per household
Secondly, it was said that EU’s policies were too protectionist and did not favour competitiveness to the extent that would be beneficial for the British economy
Post the Sovereign Debt Crisis, EU introduced Fiscal Compact and tighter control on national budgets. Britain was not comfortable with these ideas
Germany’s proposal to impose taxes on financial transactions (Tobin Tax) also did not find favour with London, which is an important financial hub.
Immigration issues
Half of British legal migrants come from EU. There is this feeling that they have a negative impact on UK born workers. Adding credence to local fears was the fact that since 1997, 3/4th of jobs created are taken up by EU immigrants
EU’s obligation on its members to accommodate more refugees also did not find favour with UK. Especially at a time when the refugee influx in Europe is at an all time high in light of multiple crisis in Middle East and Africa
There is also this perception that immigrants pose a threat to national security
Sovereignty Issue
EU is a transformative idea in many senses. One of the things that it leads to is the weakening of national sovereignty. EU has been pushing for creation of an Ever Closer Union which would accord greater decision making powers to European Parliament, while, limiting the authority of British Parliament.
Impact of Brexit:
On UKEconomic
EU is a large market. 45% of British exports are directed towards EU. EU is the largest market for UK’s exports and one of the major sources of UK’s imports. Except Germany and Sweden, UK has a positive Balance of Trade with all other countries of EU. Post Brexit, access to EU markets would suffer for UK
Britain has emerged as a major financial hub. Post Brexit, the financial/services sector in UK would take a hit. We have already seen the London Exchange soaring down post Brexit
Immigrants to EU are better educated and skilled and offset the demographic disadvantage. That advantage will be lost for UK.
Geopolitical
It raises questions over the future of Scotland and Northern Ireland. Their desire to stay in Uk was preconditioned on UK remaining a part of EU. The Scots have already started demanding for a referendum on Scotland’s futute in UK. Even in Northen Ireland violence erupted post the Brexit vote
In an interconnected world, being a part of multilateral organizations is key to influence policy matters. No country can do it alone in a rapidly changing international environment. Similarly UK would lose some of its leverage now that it has voted for Brexit. Pursuit of sovereignty in purist terms in an interconnected world is a utopian idea
On EU
The idea of EU stands challenged. EU whose origin lied in the centuries of war that ravaged Europe was a transformative idea in international relations, enmeshing countries in cooperation. With the exit of UK, there is a possibility of other countries such as Greece etc to follow suit. Thus the idea of EU stands challenged.
EU is currently under multiple crisis emanating from financial slowdown, Russian challenge, security concerns. EU and Britain separately would not be able to handle a resurgent Russia. Similarly to deal with the security threats in Europe requires countries to act in concert and not independently
On India
Cons
The immediate impact of Brexit is an increase in risk aversion when it comes to investing, especially in light of the possibility of other countries following suit. This will affect the FPI outflows from foreign portfolio investors.
Rupee may depreciate because of the double effect of foreign fund outflow and dollar rise
IANS report says that Britain ranks 12th in terms of India’s bilateral trade with individual countries. It is also among 7 in top 25 countries with which India enjoys a trade surplus. India invests more in UK than the rest of Europe combined, emerging as the 3rd largest FDI investor. Access to European markets, therefore, is a key driver for Indian companies setting shop in UK. Britain coming out of EU is likely to affect the business prospects of these companies.
Nasscom in a recent report held that IT and ITeS industry of India will have a negative impact of close to $108bn. The impact can be seen in medium term (2-3 years). Indian IT companies with European headquarters in the UK would need to spend on infrastructure and staff for setting up a new office in the EU. (There are approximately 800 Indian companies in Britain)
Immigration (student and professional): Work-related visa restrictions have already resulted in a fall in the number of Indian students in the UK. Following Brexit, the number of Indian students applying to UK universities and colleges might reduce further. Sceptics also fear that visitation rights of relatives who have families in UK might also be affected. Also, those applying for visas in Britain may face a hard time. With Brexit, the government’s stance on immigration will likely curb overall immigration into the country.
Pros
While on the positive side, Brexit has driven away fears of a US Fed rate hike and could lead to lower commodity prices
UK loses a huge preferential market in the EU and would seek to build new alliances and trade pacts. India being one of the the fastest growing economies is rightly poised to gain from this development. The migration of EU skilled labour would decrease and english speaking Indian talent pool is definitely going to benefit out of it.
Indian students should be able to secure more financing for their college degree, as preferential scholarships to EU countries will reduce. This would mean India could be seen exporting more talent than present levels.
Devaluation of rupee might enhance India’s export competitiveness.
The positive side will be the trade deals with india. Indo-Eu bilateral trade agreement has not made much headway in years so we may be able to strike a better agreement with UK.
Also, let us not forget than India is a former colony of Britain and a member of Commonwealth of Nations. With UK separated from EU, it would want to create new economic alliances and may tilt towards its former colonies.
India’s links with Bangladesh are civilisational, cultural, social and economic. There is much that unites the two countries – a shared history and common heritage, linguistic and cultural ties, passion for music, literature and the arts. The two nations were strong allies during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. However, they developed different Cold War alliances in the late 1970s and 80s. With the onset of economic liberalization in South Asia, they forged greater bilateral engagement and trade. The historic Ganges Water Sharing Treaty was concluded in 1996. India and Bangladesh are close strategic partners in counter-terrorism. They are also the largest trading partners in South Asia.Two-way trade is estimated to be over US $7 billion.
Backgrounder
A chronology of key events:
1947 – British colonial rule over India ends. A largely Muslim state comprising East and West Pakistan is established, either side of India. The two provinces are separated from each other by more than 1,500 km of Indian territory.
Indian Tank during the war
1949 – The Awami League is established to campaign for East Pakistan’s autonomy from West Pakistan.
1970 – The Awami League, under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, wins an overwhelming election victory in East Pakistan. The government in West Pakistan refuses to recognise the results, leading to rioting. Cyclone hits East Pakistan – up to 500,000 people are killed.
Independence
Bangladeshi premier Sheikh Mujibur Rahman pictured in 1972
1971 – Sheikh Mujib arrested and taken to West Pakistan. In exile, Awami League leaders proclaim the independence of the province of East Pakistan on 26th March. The new country is called Bangladesh. Just under 10 million Bangladeshis flee to India as troops from West Pakistan are defeated with Indian assistance.
1972 – Sheikh Mujib returns, becomes prime minister. He begins a programme of nationalising key industries in an attempt to improve living standards, but with little success.
1974 – Severe floods devastate much of the grain crop, leading to an estimated 28,000 deaths. A national state of emergency is declared as political unrest grows.
1975 – Sheikh Mujib becomes president of Bangladesh. The political situation worsens. He is assassinated in a military coup in August. Martial law is imposed.
1976 – The military ban trade unions.
1977 – General Ziaur Rahman assumes the presidency. Islam is adopted in the constitution.
1979 – Martial law is lifted following elections, which Zia’s Bangladesh National Party (BNP) wins.
1981 – Zia is assassinated during abortive military coup. He is succeeded by Abdus Sattar.
Ershad era
1982 – General Ershad assumes power in army coup. He suspends the constitution and political parties.
1983 – Limited political activity is permitted. Ershad becomes president.
1986 – Parliamentary and presidential elections. Ershad elected to a five-year term. He lifts martial law and reinstates the constitution.
1987 – State of emergency declared after opposition demonstrations and strikes.
1988 – Islam becomes state religion. Floods cover up to three-quarters of the country. Tens of millions are made homeless.
1990 – Ershad steps down following mass protests.
1991 – Ershad convicted and jailed for corruption and illegal possession of weapons. Begum Khaleda Zia, widow of President Zia Rahman, becomes prime minister. Constitution is changed to render the position of president ceremonial. The prime minister now has primary executive power. Cyclonic tidal wave kills up to 138,000.
Awami League returns
1996 – Two sets of elections eventually see the Awami League win power, with Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, becoming prime minister.
1997 – Ershad is released from prison. The opposition BNP begins campaign of strikes against the government.
1998 – Two-thirds of the country devastated by the worst floods ever. Fifteen former army officers sentenced to death for involvement in assassination of President Mujib in 1975.
Garment factory in Ashulia, Bangladesh
2000 September – Sheikh Hasina criticises military regimes in a UN speech, prompting Pakistani leader General Musharraf to cancel talks with her. Relations strained further by row over leaked Pakistani report on 1971 war of independence.
2000 December – Bangladesh expels Pakistani diplomat for comments on the 1971 war. The diplomat had put the number of dead at 26,000, whereas Bangladesh says nearly three million were killed.
2001 April – Seven killed in bomb blast at a Bengali New Year concert in Dhaka. Sixteen Indian and three Bangladeshi soldiers killed in their worst border clashes.
General view of Dhaka, with slum area seen on left
2001 April – High Court confirms death sentences on 12 ex-army officers for killing Mujib. Only four are in custody.
2001 July – Hasina steps down, hands power to caretaker authority, becoming the first prime minister in the country’s history to complete a five-year term.
Coalition government
2001 September – At least eight people are killed and hundreds injured as two bombs explode at an election rally in south-western Bangladesh.
2001 October – Hasina loses at polls to Khaleda Zia’s Nationalist Party and its three coalition partners.
Ramadan prayers outside National Mosque of Bangladesh
2002 July – Pakistani President Musharraf visits; expresses regret over excesses carried out by Pakistan during 1971 war of independence.
2004 Opposition calls 21 general strikes over the course of the year as part of a campaign to oust the government.
2004 May – Parliament amends constitution to reserve 45 seats for female MPs.
2004 August – Grenade attack on opposition Awami League rally in Dhaka kills 22 people. Awami League leader Sheikh Hasina survives the attack.
2006 February – Opposition Awami League ends year-long parliamentary boycott.
Political crisis
Bangladesh opposition protesters, 2006
2006 October – Violent protests over government’s choice of a caretaker administration to take over when Premier Zia completes her term at the end of the month. President Ahmed steps in and assumes caretaker role for period leading to elections due in January 2007.
2006 November – A 14-party opposition alliance led by the Awami League campaigns for controversial election officials to be removed. Chief election commissioner MA Aziz steps aside.
2006 December – Election date set at 22 January. Awami alliance says it will boycott the polls. Awami leader Sheikh Hasina accuses President Ahmed of favouring her rival. Blockade aimed at derailing parliamentary elections paralyses much of the country.
2007 January – A state of emergency is declared amid violence in the election run-up. President Ahmed postpones the poll. Fakhruddin Ahmed heads a caretaker administration.
2007 March – Six Islamist militants convicted of countrywide bomb attacks in 2005 are hanged. They include the leaders of Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh and Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen.
2007 April – Sheikh Hasina is charged with murder. Begum Khaleda Zia is under virtual house arrest. Several other politicians are held in an anti-corruption drive.
2007 August – Government imposes a curfew on Dhaka and five other cities amid violent clashes between police and students demanding an end to emergency rule.
2008 June – Sheikh Hasina is temporarily freed to get medical treatment in the US.
2008 August – Local elections take place, seen as a big step towards restoring democracy. Candidates backed by the Awami League perform strongly.
2008 November – The authorities say general elections will be held on 18 December. Sheikh Hasina returns to lead her party in the poll.
Awami League win
2008 December – General elections: Awami League captures more than 250 of 300 seats in parliament. Sheikh Hasina is sworn in as prime minister in January.
2009 February – Around 74 people, mainly army officers, are killed in a mutiny in Dhaka by border guards unhappy with pay and conditions. Police arrest some 700 guards. A further 1,000 guards are detained in May.
2009 October – The government bans the local branch of the global Islamist organisation Hizb-ut Tahrir, saying it poses a threat to peace.
2010 January – Five former army officers are executed for the 1975 murder of founding PM Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
2012 May-June – Key figures from the main Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, including leader Motiur Rahman Nizami, are charged with war crimes by a government tribunal investigating alleged collaboration with Pakistan during the 1971 independence struggle.
2012 October – Muslim rioters attack Buddhist villages and shrines in south-east Bangladesh after an image said to show a burnt Koran was posted on Facebook. The government denounces the attacks as “premeditated and deliberate acts of communal violence against a minority”.
2013 January – War crimes tribunal sentences prominent Muslim cleric Abul Kalam Azad to death for crimes against humanity during the 1971 independence war. He was tried in absentia, as he had fled abroad.
2013 April – Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina vetoes Islamist bill to outlaw criticism of Islam.
2013 May – European retailers promise to sign an accord to improve safety conditions in factories after a garment factory building collapsed in April, killing more than 1,100 people. Worker protests close hundreds of factories and extract a government pledge to raise the minimum wage and make it easier to form unions.
Jamaat-e-Islami trials
2013 July – At least two people are killed as police clash with thousands of protesters after the conviction of Ghulam Azam, leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami party, for war crimes committed during the 1971 war of independence. Ghulam Azam dies in October 2014.
2013 December – Supreme Court upholds death sentence on Islamist leader Abdul Kader Mullah of the Jamaat-e-Islami party, who was convicted in February of crimes against humanity during the 1971 war of independence.
2014 January – Opposition BNP boycotts parliamentary elections, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina returns for third term in office.
2014 October – Jamaat-e-Islami Leader Motiur Rahman Nizami and another leading figure, Mir Quasem Ali, found guilty of war crimes during independence war in 1971.
2015 February – Court sentences another senior Jamaat-e-Islami figure, Abdus Subhan, to death for war crimes committed during independence war in 1971.
2015 May – Bangladesh bans Islamist militant group Ansarullah Bangla Team, which claims responsibility for killing and assaulting several pro-secular public figures.
2015 November – Threats to Christians and Shia Muslims challenge government view that two years of attacks on pro-secular public figures are the work of a violent faction of the opposition Jaamat-e-Islami party, after the Islamic State armed group claims responsibility for attack on Shia mosque. Jamaat-e-Islami senior figures Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mujahid and Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury executed on war crimes charges dating back to 1971.
2016 July – The Islamic State group claims an attack on a cafe in Dhaka’s diplomatic quarter in which 20 hostages, including 18 foreigners, are killed but the government rejects the claim saying the militant group Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen was responsible.
2016 September – Business tycoon and senior leader of Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami, Mir Quasem Ali, is executed for war crimes committed during the 1971 war of independence.
Why Bangladesh is important to India’s north east?
Bangala
Ports – The nearest port for the Northeast is Kolkata. Kolkata is 1500 km from Aizawl and Agartala. Not just the distance, the route passes through multiple states and through a lot of mountains. Imagine dragging a heavy machinery through this long, narrow road. This makes trade and manufacturing very hard in the Northeast. Every product that is either produced in Northeast or needed in northeast has to be carried through that one road through Siliguri. On the other hand, Chittagong port is only 200km from Tripura and passes through the mostly flat land. A major Bangladeshi railway junction Akhaura is just 10 km from Agartala.
Migration – Major cities in India’s northeast are quite close to the rural hinterland of Bangladesh. For many rural Banglas, it is easy to find jobs in these cities than in Dhaka or Chittagong. Thus, there is a massive migration that is rapidly impacting the demographics of the Northeast. Many tribes feel marginalized in their own territory. India needs Bangladeshi government’s help to arrest the endless flow of migrants.
Separatism – Tripura alone shares 850km of border with Bangladesh. Other states like Mizoram share long borders too [a total of 4000+ km of shared borders between Northeast India and Bangladesh]. Given the long and unpatrolled borders, the separatists and troublemakers in this region easily escape to Bangladesh. It is hard to fight the separatism as long as the separatists have such an easy escape hatch. India needs Bangladesh’s help in patrolling the borders and also bring the fugitives to justice.
Food movement – Eastern side of Bangladesh is quite fertile and produces a lot of rice. This can be easily be moved to Tripura, Mizoram and Manipur rather than dragging the food from West Bengal through the Siliguri corridor or air lifting them.
Risk of Chicken neck – Currently the Siliguri corridor remains the only link between the Northeast and the rest of India. Any problem there – terrorist attacks, natural disasters, etc. – would completely cut off India from the 7 states of North east. Bangaldesh help would reduce that risk substantially
Major irritants with Bangladesh
Boundary Dispute
India’s land border with Bangladesh as per the Ministry of Defence is 4351 km. running through five states, viz., West Bengal (2217kms), Assam (262 kms), Meghalaya (443kms), Tripura (856 kms) and Mizoram (318 kms), including nearly 781 kms of riverine border. The border traverses through 25 districts.
The border is used as a route for smuggling livestock, food items, medicines and drugs from India to Bangladesh. Moreover, illegal immigrants from Bangladesh cross the border to India in search of improving their lives. Because of a large number of illegal immigrants crossing from Bangladesh into India, a controversial shoot-on-sight policy has been enforced by the Indian border patrols.
This policy was initiated with reports of violence between the illegal migrants and Indian soldiers. The border has also witnessed occasional skirmishes between the Indian Border Security Force and the Border Guards Bangladesh, most notably in 2001.
The killing of Bangladeshi nationals by Border Security Force (BSF) has become a major irritant between the two countries in the recent past. It has evoked strong public sentiments in Bangladesh. According to a report of Bangladesh Human Rights Watch organization Odhikar, BSF has, from January 1, 2001 to March 31, 2012, killed 907 Bangladeshis. Bangladesh wants no time lost in stopping these killings.
Further the Agreement on the demarcation of Land Boundary between Bangladesh and India and related matters had been signed in May 1974 between the two great statesmen, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and Smt. Indira Gandhi. This comprehensive agreement was intended to resolve all lingering and vexing problems that history had bequeathed on the two nations. But it has not full filled by both Governments.
During the State visit of the Prime Minister to Bangladesh in September 2011, a “Protocol to the Agreement between the Government of India and the Government of Bangladesh Concerning the Demarcation of the Land Boundary Between India and Bangladesh and Related Matters (LBA)” was signed. It settles the long outstanding land boundary issues related to un-demarcated segment of 6.1 Kms; territories in adverse possession; and exchange of enclaves. The Cabinet has, on 13 February 2013, approved the draft of a Constitution (Amendment) Bill for implementing the India-Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) 1974 and the Protocol to LBA signed in 2011.
The Protocol envisages that 111 Indian Enclaves in Bangladesh and 51 Bangladesh Enclaves in India, as per the jointly verified cadastral enclave maps, shall be exchanged. As per Article 3 of the LBA 1974, when the Enclaves are transferred, people living in these areas shall be given the right of staying on where they are as nationals of the State to which the areas are transferred.
Maritime border
While Bangladesh, having concave coastlines, delimits its sea border southward from the edge of its land boundary, India stretches its claim southeast wards, covering around thousands of miles in the Bay of Bengal.
Due to competing claims of the two countries, delimitation of the sea boundary and determining Bangladesh’s exclusive economic zones have remained unresolved. Moreover, in terms of determining the continental shelf, the presence of the Andamans and Nicobar Islands puts India, in a favourable position.
Territorial Waters
The issue of demarcating territorial waters led to serious differences between the two countries. Questions of ownership over a new born island known as South Talpatty in Bangladesh and New Moore/ Purbasha in India spotted by a satellite picture in 1975 in the estuary of Haribhanga River on the border of the two countries has been a source of contention since its discovery.
In order to settle the above dispute Bangladesh proposed sending a joint Indo‐Bangladesh team to determine the flow of channels of the river on the basis of existing International Law of the Sea. But the Indian counterpart sent forces to establish claims by stationing naval troops on the island in 1981. After initial resentment by Bangladesh, India agreed to resolve the issue through negotiations.
Illegal Migration
Illegal migration is one of the bones of the contention of these two countries, Since the 1971 war of independence that created the state of Bangladesh, millions of Bangladeshi immigrants (the vast majority of them illegal) have poured into neighboring India.
While the Indian government has tried to deport some of these immigrants, the sheer number of them, as well as the porous border between the two countries, has made such an enterprise impossible. It is difficult to assess how many illegal immigrants are currently residing in India. Consider that in 1971, during the civil war in neighboring East Pakistan (the former name of Bangladesh), at least 10-million Bangladeshis poured into West Bengal in India
Illegal migration appears in the eastern and north-eastern parts of the country from neighbouring Bangladesh, threat to India’s internal security, from Bangladesh is impacted on communal, political, social and economic tensions and conflicts in several areas of the northeast of India.
The most affected states are West Bengal, Assam, Megalaya, Nagaland, Bihar, and Tripura, although migrants “have spread too far off states like Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Delhi.” Although the exact figure is not known, it is estimated that there are about 15-20 million Bangladeshis staying illegally in India.
The National Investigation Agency has found links with Pakistan in rackets engaged in printing and smuggling fake currency into India. NIA sources said fake currency was now being smuggled into the border with Bangladesh has gaps at some points and immigrants cross into India on foot through the breaks in the fence.
Some also swim across rivers on the border to reach India. The National Investigation Agency has found links with Pakistan in rackets India through its porous border with Bangladesh. Malda district in West Bengal is a key transit point for counterfeiters.
Once they reach India, immigrants obtain fake documents through local agents. Political leaders in parts of West Bengal were also involved in endorsing fake documents such as ration cards for illegal immigrants.
This unfettered illegal migration impacts on national security and socio-economic stability. Intelligence inputs indicate that the Inter Service Intelligence Agency (ISI) of Pakistan is utilizing these migrants as conduits to ferry in terrorists and arms into India. Counterfeit Indian currency with its origins in Bangladesh has flooded border areas, crippling in these parts.
Vote bank politics in Assam is the one of obstacle to control illegal migration from Bangladesh, led to communal violence between indigenous Bodos and Muslims (migrants from Bangladesh) in 2012.
The illegal Bangladeshi immigrants have not only changed the demography and disturbed the ecology of the north-east but have also encouraged them to exercise their political rights in India as citizens. It has been one of the key reasons for the rise of insurgent groups in the north-east as some of the insurgent groups like Assam Gana Sangram Parishad started, and got support of the masses, because of the issue of illegal immigration from Bangladesh. At the same time the immigration laws (Illegal Migrants [Determined by Tribunal] (IMDT) Act 1983) followed in Assam has aided illegal immigrants’ settling in the north-east easy. Security concerns
Insurgency has been playing the role in straining relations of India with Bangladesh. Northeast India has been facing insurgency since 1956 due to feelings of ethnic separatism among its inhabitants.
ISI is operating from Bangladesh, supporting the insurgents in the North east India. National Liberation of Tripura (NLFT), Liberation Front of Assam(ULFA) and National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFM) are major insurgent groups in Northeast India. There are some rumours that ULFA has several lucrative income generating Projects in Bangladesh to sustain its insurgency activities in India.
Drug Trafficking
Bangladesh is increasingly being used as a transit point by drug dealers and the drug mafia, which dispatches heroin and opium from Burma, and other countries of the golden triangle, to different destinations.
As a result, Bangladesh’s Department of Narcotics Control has come under the scanner several times and invited criticism. Bangladesh has become the prime transit route for trafficking heroin to Europe from Southeast Asia, according to a report from the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) 2007 annual report.
INCB notes that the most common methods and routes for smuggling heroin into Bangladesh are by courier from Pakistan, commercial vehicles and trains from India, and via sea through the Bay of Bengal or overland by truck or public transport from Burma.
Trade and Investment
Bangladesh is an important trading partner for India. The two-way trade in FY 2011-2012 was US$5.242 billion with India’s exports to Bangladesh accounting for US$4.743 billion and imports US$0.498 million.
The trade deficit with India is frequently highlighted by Bangladesh as a major contentious issue. Trade deficit for Bangladesh is more than $4 billion. For long, Bangladesh has been urging India to reduce this gap by lifting the tariff barriers as they were a major impediment to the growth of Bangladesh’s exports to India. Responding to Bangladesh’s concern, in November 2011, India granted duty free access to all products, except 10 tobacco and liquor items from Bangladesh which amounts 30% of Bangladesh export.
As much as 98 per cent of Bangladesh products now enjoy zero duty benefits in the Indian market. Bangladesh’s exports to India are expected to cross $1 billion in 2012.
However, Bangladesh is now urging India to remove all non-tariff barriers (NBTs) as it views NTBs as the major obstacles to its export growth. Some of these barriers are: laboratory test for every consignment of food products, cosmetics, and leather and textile products; delay in getting test results; imposition of state tax; packaging requirement, anti-dumping and countervailing duties; inadequate infrastructure facilities such as warehousing, trans-shipment yard, parking yard and; connecting roads at land customs stations of India.
To encourage exports from Bangladesh, India must move proactively to provide facilities of customs and testing at the border check posts.
Besides, removal of non-tariff barriers should be accompanied by tariff reforms since the opportunity cost of non-tariff barriers is very high.
A Consumer Unity & Trust Society (CUTS) International report says: “In 2010, value of unexplored market was more than 48 per cent of total value of India- Bangladesh trade and potential saving, which is a proxy for cost of non-tariff barriers, is more than seven per cent of total value of Indo-Bangla trade”.
India is also encouraging investments in Bangladesh. In this regard, a Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement have been signed between the two countries. The agreement is expected to increase Indian investment in Bangladesh. Transit
India has been urging Bangladesh to provide rail and road transit to connect with its north-eastern states. Technically speaking, the issue of transit was resolved in 1972 when both sides agreed on a mutually beneficial arrangement for the use of their waterways, railways and roadways for commerce between two countries and for passage of goods to places in one country through the territory of the other. Inland water transit has been functional, but the rail and road transit is still waiting to be operational.
Bangladesh’s initial reluctance to granting India rail and road transit was on the grounds that transit facility once given was difficult to take back and such a facility may encourage terrorism and insurgency.
Other concerns included damage to the roads and bridges in Bangladesh by the increased traffic flow from the Indian side.
The reason for delay was that Bangladesh’s infrastructure was not yet prepared to take the load of the increased traffic that will follow with the granting of transit to India. Addressing Bangladesh’s concern, India provided a credit line of $1billion to Bangladesh for development of infrastructure projects. But the credit line could not be used to its potential because of the strict conditions India imposed, to the effect that 85 per cent of the raw materials for the road projects has to be procured from India, on the ground that it produces all the materials necessary.
Bangladesh has countered by claiming it too has the necessary raw materials. It could earn $44 million per annum for first five years if it grants transit to India. From the sixth year, earnings would be around $500 million, which could rise to $1 billion. Transit would not only boost connectivity between the two countries, but also offer opportunities for regional connectivity and help Bangladesh develop Chittagong port into a regional hub.
The Chittagong port can become a modern busy port like Singapore and China serving the SAARC countries. Huge foreign investment may be attracted by Bangladesh and finally, a throbbing service sector like banks, insurance, hotels, rest houses, petrol pumps etc. may develop around the Transcontinental roads and railways.
There is an estimate of direct economic gain from transit fees. It ranges from 500 crore taka to 4,666 crore taka. The mutual transit will also give Bangladesh a much shorter route to China and an initiative to link Chinese province of Yunan with Seven Sisters of India, Myanmar, Thailand and Bangladesh.
Water –sharing:
We share 54 trans-boundary rivers, big and small.
Some of the major water sharing disputes
Ganga river dispute
In 1996, the sharing of the Ganga waters was successfully agreed upon between the two nations. However, the major area of dispute has been India’s construction and operation of the Farakka Barrage to increase water supply to the river Hooghly.
Bangladesh complains that it does not get a fair share of the water in the dry season and some of its areas get flooded when India releases excess waters during the monsoons.
Teesta River dispute
Teesta originates in Sikkim, flows through West Bengal in India before entering Bangladesh. It merges with the Brahmaputra River (or Jamuna when it enters Bangladesh). The river is important for both Bangladesh and India for its agricultural use.
Teesta river agreement timeline
In 1983, India and Bangladesh had agreed into an ad hoc sharing of the water during the dry season (October to April) with an allocation of 36 per cent for Bangladesh and 39 per cent for India, leaving 25 per cent to bedecided later. But this deal has remained pending for more than 2 decades.
As per an agreement of 2011 the two sides had agreed to share the river’s water 50:50, the same as the 1996 Ganges water-sharing pact between the neighbors. This agreement was not signed due to opposition from chief minister of West Bengal.
Tipaimukh Hydro-Electric power Project
Bangladesh has been demanding to stop the construction of the Tipaimukh Hydro-Electric Power Project on the Barak River on the eastern edge of Bangladesh.
Bangladesh says that the massive dam will disrupt the seasonal rhythm of the river and have an Adverse effect on downstream agriculture, fisheries and ecology of the region. Indian government has assured Bangladesh that it will not take any unilateral decision on the Tipaimukh Hydro-Electric Power Project which may adversely affect Bangladesh.
Chinese Engagement with Bangladesh
Bangladesh and China has decade-long diplomatic ties. 2015 marked the 40th year of their relationship. China is the largest trading partner of Bangladesh in current times with the two-way trade accounting for about US$12 billion in 2014. China is contributing largely to ongoing infrastructural development in Bangladesh.
The growing security and military relations between the two countries in recent days is taking place much to the chagrin of New Delhi. Beijing’s current initiative for setting up financial institutions including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is likely to create new opportunities for Bangladesh in accessing funds for infrastructure development.
Bangladesh’s renewed interest in ocean economy in the Bay of Bengal in the context of UN approved delineation of maritime boundary over the Bay, it needs to engage with technologically and financially sound partners like China, Japan, the United States and South Korea, among others.
Engagement with China may prove to be most important economic relation for Bangladesh considering China’s growing and developed economy and international clout. However, Dhaka needs to balance its relations between New Delhi and Beijing for its own interest.
In fine, India in its current focus on neighbourhood prosperity is going to foster an enduring bilateral relationship with Bangladesh, as perceived from the ongoing engagements between New Delhi and Dhaka. Both countries are on the right track for building rapport in spheres of bilateral importance; however, the deep-seated disputes like that of water-sharing needs to be addressed for good for a better tomorrow.
Recent Developments
Land Boundary Agreement
Brief history:
After the partition of India in 1947, Rangpur was joined to East Pakistan, and Cooch Behar district was merged in 1949 with India. The desire to “de-enclave” most of the enclaves was manifested in a 1958 agreement between Jawaharlal Nehru and Feroz Khan Noon, the respective Prime Ministers, for an exchange between India and Pakistan without considering loss or gain of territory.
But the matter then worked into a Supreme Court case in India, and the Supreme Court ruled that a constitutional amendment was required to transfer the land. So the ninth amendment was introduced to facilitate the implementation of the agreement.
The amendment could not be passed because of an objection to transfer of southern Berubari enclave. Because of India’s deteriorated relations with Pakistan, the issue remained unsolved. With that agreement not ratified, negotiations restarted after East Pakistan became independent as Bangladesh in 1971 following the Bangladesh Liberation War
Attempts have been made to arrive at a comprehensive settlement of the land boundary between India and Bangladesh (the erstwhile East Pakistan) since 1947. The Nehru-Noon Agreement of 1958 and the Agreement Concerning the Demarcation of the Land Boundary between India and Bangladesh and Related Matters of 1974 (referred to as 1974 LBA) sought to find a solution to the complex nature of the border demarcation involved.
However, three outstanding issues pertaining to an un-demarcated land boundary of approximately 6.1 km, exchange of enclaves and adverse possessions remained unsettled.
The list of enclaves was prepared in 1997 by both nations. Two Joint Boundary Working Groups was formed to work out the details of enclaves in 2001. The joint census was carried out it May 2007.
The Protocol (referred to as the 2011 Protocol) to the 1974 LBA, signed on 6th September 2011 during the visit of the Prime Minister to Bangladesh, paves the way for a settlement of the outstanding land boundary issues between the two countries. The both nations announced an intention to swap 162 enclaves, giving residents a choice of nationality.
Indian Parliament in May 2015 passed the constitutional amendment bill regarding the land boundary agreement with Bangladesh. The Lower House, showing rare unanimity, passed the Constitution (119th Amendment) Bill to allow the operationalisation of the 1974 India-Bangladesh Land Boundary agreement.
Major features of agreement:
A settled boundary is an essential prerequisite for effective cross-border cooperation. It reduces friction, helps neighbours consolidate mutually beneficial exchanges and promotes confidence in building better relations.
The 2011 Protocol ensures that the India-Bangladesh boundary is permanently settled with no more differences in interpretation, regardless of the government in power.
The 2011 Protocol results in a fixed demarcated boundary in all the un-demarcated segments, exchange of 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh with 51 Bangladesh enclaves in India and a resolution of all adversely possessed areas.
In the exchange of enclaves, India transfers 111 enclaves with a total area of 17,160.63 acres to Bangladesh, while Bangladesh would transfer 51 enclaves with an area of 7,110.02 acres to India.
While on paper, the exchange of enclaves between India and Bangladesh may seem like a loss of Indian land to Bangladesh, the actual scenario is quite different as the enclaves are located deep inside the territory of both countries and there has been no physical access to them from either country.
Each country will now begin to administer enclaves on its territory and enclave citizens will be able to choose where they want to live and which nationality they would prefer.
In reality, the exchange of enclaves denotes only a notional exchange of land as the Protocol converts a de facto reality into a de jure situation.
The inhabitants in the enclaves could not enjoy full legal rights as citizens of either India or Bangladesh and infrastructure facilities such as electricity, schools and health services were deficient.
Further, due to lack of access to these areas by the law and order enforcing agencies and weak property rights, certain enclaves became hot beds of criminal activities.
Major advantages of land boundary agreement:
These are as follows:
The exchange of enclaves will mitigate major humanitarian problems as the residents in the enclaves and others on their behalf had often complained of the absence of basic amenities and facilities the settlement of Adverse Possessions will lead to tranquility and peace along the border it represents a permanent solution to a decades old issue the newly demarcated boundaries are a fixed boundary, thereby adding to certainty regarding the future
a settled boundary reduces friction, helps neighbours consolidate mutually beneficial exchanges and promotes confidence in building better relations.
It paves the way for closer engagement and mutually beneficial relations between India and Bangladesh and the region; this also helps on issues of strategic concern, including security cooperation and denial of sanctuary to elements inimical to India. While land will be exchanged, the Protocol does not envisage the displacement of populations; the Protocol ensures that the India-Bangladesh boundary is permanently settled and there should be no more differences in interpretation, regardless of the government in power.
This deal would also revive the moribund South Asia Growth Quadrangle (SAGQ), comprising India’s north east, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan.
Indo-Bangladesh Maritime Boundary Dispute
In a landmark judgment, the Hague-based Permanent Court of Attribution (PCA) has awarded Bangladesh an area of 19,467 sq km, four-fifth of the total area of 25,602 sq km disputed maritime boundary in the Bayof Bengal with India on July 7.
The UN Tribunal’s award has clearly delineated the course of maritime boundary line between India and Bangladesh in the territorial sea, Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and continental shelf within and beyond 200 nautical miles (nm). Now, Bangladesh’s maritime boundary has been extended by 118,813 sq comprising 12 nm of territorial sea and an EEZ extending up to 200 nm into the high seas.
In addition, the ruling acknowledged Bangladesh’s sovereign rights of undersea resources in the continental shelf extending as far as 345 nm in the high seas, taking Chittagong coast as the base line. The verdict has been broadly accepted by both the countries as a positive development for further consolidation of friendly relations especially given the geo-strategic/political significance of greater Indian Ocean region and South Asian sub-region.
Security and Economic implications for India
Some are of the scholars’ opinion that the ruling could provide force for the new Indian government to ratify the Land Boundary Agreement and reach an understanding on sharing the waters of the Teesta river with Bangladesh.
The verdict would contribute towards establishing strategic partnerships among the nations sharing borders in the Bay.
The award is expected to have positive impact on emerging multilateral forum like BIMSTEC. It may be noted that India has already settled its maritime borders with Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Thailand. Similarly, Bangladesh’s maritime issues with Myanmar are resolved.
The PCA award assumes strategic significance against the backdrop of China’s close ties with Bangladesh and its growing interests and activities in the Bay region for which India is worried. Now the settlement of maritime disputes between India and Bangladesh may have a restraining influence on the expansionist designs of China.
Both the countries have accepted the award as it will open the door for exploration of oil and gas in the Bay—the site of huge energy reserves.
The verdict has recognised India’s sovereignty over New Moore island and received nearly 6000 sq km of the contested zone where the island had once existed.
India’s discovery of natural gas in 2006 took place in a creek which is situated about 50 km south of the mouth of the Hariabhanga river within the contested zone. The lingering maritime dispute stood in the way of exploration of hydrocarbons in the Bay region. Such as in December, 2013, Australian firm Santos withdrew from two sea-blocks citing security and maritime dispute with Bangladesh.
Now India’s policy makers could chalk out a long-term strategy for the economic development of the Bay region. To realise its goals, New Delhi may forge bilateral or multilateral partnerships under the framework of sub-regional grouping like BIMSTEC
Implication for Bangladesh
The award has huge economic significance for a small state like Bangladesh. It has cleared the obstacles for Dhaka to open up its waters for foreign firms to explore and exploit hydrocarbons in the Bay. So long, Bangladesh’s maritime dispute with India is believed to have deterred many international petroleum companies to invest in the sea-blocks previously offered by it.
The United Nations Convention of Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) gives a nation 12 nm of territorial control and ensures sovereign rights to explore, exploit and manage natural resources with 200 nm of EEZ.
The economic prospects of the Bay region have increased enormously after Myanmar and India discovered huge natural gas deposits beneath the sea. It is reported that Myanmar discovered 7 trillion cubic feet of hydrocarbon deposits in the region. This was followed by India’s discovery of another 100 trillion cubic feet of natural gas. This prompted Bangladesh—a nation with limited resource base and high demand of energy,to search for offshore energy resources.
In 2008, Bangladesh government divided its claimed territorial sea and EEZ into 28 sea-blocks and leased them to multinational companies to meet its growing energy needs.But Bangladesh was eventually compelled to suspend exploration as both India and Myanmar objected to it.Successive discoveries of massive natural gas have made the delimitation of maritime boundary all the more significant.
Economically, Bangladesh is a major gainer. Now, Dhaka is in a position to invite foreign companies to explore oil and gas resources in its maritime zones.
It would definitely help Bangladesh to compensate gas shortages in its gas turbine-run industries and plants and contribute to the country’s economic development.
India’s ONGC stands a good chance to win lucrative contracts in Bangladeshi offshore gas and oil fields.
The verdict is also good news for millions of fishermen in both the countries. The amicable settlement has opened up vast sea areas which were not available to them in the last four decades.
Moreover, both the countries could enhance cooperation in the conservation of the rich bio-diversity of the Sunder bans.
By clearly delineating the maritime boundary between the two nations, the verdict could help boosting coastal and maritime security in the region. Before the award, both India and Bangladesh could not undertake cooperative measures due to the vexed problem. The verdict has now cleared the hurdles of strengthening security in the maritime front.
Furthermore, precise demarcation of maritime boundary would assist in preventing the cases of transgression by fishermen of both countries. The PCA award is really a “win-win” situation for both the countries, as described by the Bangladesh foreign minister, if they follow it up with concrete action.
3. Growing radicalism in Bangladesh
Background
In last 2 years many secularist have been heckled to death in Bangladesh.In 2010, the government of Bangladesh, headed by the secularist Awami League established a war crime tribunal to investigate war crimes perpetrated during Bangladesh’s bloody 1971 Liberation war from Pakistan. In February 2013, Abdul Qadeer Molla, a leader of the Bangladeshi Jamaat-e-Islami party (a small Islamist party within the opposition coalition) was sentenced to life imprisonment by the tribunal.
The sentence was condemned by Bangladesh’s secularist bloggers and writers, who helped organize the Shahbagh Protest in response, calling for the death penalty for Molla. The protestors quickly expanded their demands to include outlawing the Jamaat-e-Islami party itself for its role in the 1971 war.
Shortly after the first Shahbag protests, counter-demonstrations, which quickly degenerated into violence, were organized by Islamist groups. Islamist leaders denounced the war crimes tribunal as political and called for an end to the prosecution of Jamaat-e-Islami leaders, instead they demanded the death penalty for secularist bloggers, denouncing them as “atheists” and accusing them of Blasphemy.
According to many Experts the hostility directed toward Bloggers by Islamists is due primarily to the bloggers’ growing political influence in Bangladesh, which represents a major obstacle to the Islamist goal of a religious state.
Though there were occasional attacks on secularists prior to the 2013 Shahbag protests, the frequency of attacks has increased since.
In 2014, a group calling itself “Defenders of Islam” published a “hit list” of 84 Bangladeshis, mostly secularists, of whom nine have already reportedly been killed and others attacked Responsibility for many of the attacks has been claimed by Ansarullah Bangla Team a group which according to police has links with both the youth wing of Jamaat-e-Islami and with Al Qaida. The group has since been banned by the government. Other attacks appear to have been perpetrated by more obscure groups.
How much is politics responsible for this situation?
The killing campaign in Bangladesh is fuelled by the bitter war between Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League, and her opponents on the Right — former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s BNP, and its sometime ally, the Jamaat.
Headed into the 2014 elections, the BNP had paralysed the country with weeks of protests, demanding that power be handed over to a neutral caretaker government. The Awami League government, though, held fast, leading the opposition to boycott the elections.
In 2013, meanwhile, the now-iconic Shahbag protests broke out, with young people demanding the death penalty for Jamaat-e-Islami leaders held guilty of 1971 war crimes. In essence, these twin crises pushed the organised right wing out of the political arena, creating a political vacuum. Though the Bangladeshi police and security services have proved effective at containing terrorism, crushing the once-feared Harkat-ul-Jihad-e-Islami, the fear now is that the political vacuum could be capitalised on by jihadists.
The best way of preventing that would be to revive competitive political life in Bangladesh, but the political system remains log jammed, with no end in sight to the Awami League-BNP stand-off.
Significance of these Killing for Bangladesh
Bangladesh has always prided itself for its religious tolerance and secularism. In fact, the country is a shining example of Islam and democracy coexisting. However, all that is changing quickly with the rise of religious fundamentalism in the country.
The Islamist fundamentalists, apart from targeting minorities, have targeted all those who have commented on religion and who are fighting for their right to the freedom of expression. These Killings are threat to democracy as freedom of expression is one of the very basic tenet of Democracy.
The killings Prove that the Islamlist are not just against the minority community but anyone even a Muslim who do not subscribe to their salafist ideology thus most of their victims are liberal Muslims.
These killings are leading to growing sense of fear and insecurity; people in Bangladesh are living under the threat of Terrorism Moreover, the lukewarm response of the government has only emboldened the radical elements belonging to the Hardline Islamist groups such as ABT and JMB.
The persistent failure of the Bangladesh Government and the international community to better protect threatened thinkers has created a climate of fear and direct threat to free thought in the country.
The spate of ideological murders is an assault on Bangladesh’s secular principles and ideas.
Way Forward
Bangladesh is facing an existential crisis today and unless the government takes steps to launch an all-out attack on the members of AMT and JMB, the situation may spiral out of control. It is also surprising that, except for opprobrium in international newspapers on the growing intolerance in the country, many countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, and even neighboring India have remained silent over the issue.
It is time that they exert pressure on the Bangladeshi government to act against the perpetrators of these crimes. The government should also realize by not acting against these perpetrators, the groups will be further emboldened to carry out more such attacks against the secular forces. T
he day is not far when these groups are likely to be exploited by terrorist organizations like al Qaeda and the Islamic State, for not only gaining a toehold in the region, but also an opportunity to radicalize the youth of the country. Before it’s too late, the government must launch an all out attack on these fundamental groups, lest the country fall into an abyss of violence, which would completely destroy the secular character of Bangladesh.
4. BBIN Motor Vehicle Agreement
Introduction
India, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh signed a landmark Motor Vehicles Agreement (MVA) for the Regulation of Passenger, Personnel and Cargo Vehicular Traffic among the four South Asian neighbours in Thimpu, Bhutan. BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal) agreement is a complementary instrument to the existing transport agreements or arrangements at the bilateral levels that the contracting parties will continue to honor.
What will be the benefits of BBIN?
It Will promote safe, economical efficient and environmentally sound road transport in the sub-region
Will further help each country in creating an institutional mechanism for regional integration.
BBIN countries will be benefited by mutual cross border movement of passenger and goods for overall economic development of the region.
Will further promote our cooperation in trade and commerce apart from further cementing our age old cultural ties
Enhance regional connectivity.
Expand people-to-people contact, trade, and economic exchanges between our countries.
Transforming transport corridors into economic corridors could potentially increase intraregional trade within South Asia by almost 60% and with the rest of the world by over 30%
A new sub-group in world – BBIN! Regional strength.
What are the challenges ahead?
Building and upgrading roads, railways and waterways infrastructure energy Grids, communications and air links to ensure smooth cross border flow of goods, services, capital, technology and people.
Internal Security concerns
Illegal migration
Smuggling, etc.
Timely implementation of further steps to be taken.
Trade facilitation at Land border
Multi-modal transport facility
Customs system can be shared – this will save time by avoiding duplication
Bhutan has some reservations related to tourism as they want to strictly maintain culture and everything else of the Himalayas as per their own norms including Gross Happiness Index
What more can BBIN do?
Bhutan and Nepal can generate more power and sell to India and Bangladesh
It is not anymore a socialist hangup of exploitation by one country of other. It is mutual growth through co-operation.
Is India planning something similar with other countries?
A major breakthrough has been achieved between India-Myanmar and Thailand. Three nations have agreed to develop a similar framework motor vehicle agreement on the lines of draft SAARC Motor vehicle agreement.
Secretary level discussions were successfully concluded in Bengaluru this month andconsensus has been reached on the text of Agreement.
On conclusion of this Agreement, our sub-region will get access to the larger ASEAN marketthrough seamless passenger and cargo movement.
Areas of cooperation between India and Bangladesh under Sheika Hasina Government
India’s relations with Bangladesh have certainly witnessed a significant upswing over the past decade, some persistent challenges notwithstanding. Bilateral trade has risen to $7 million. Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been cracking down on hardline elements, and has provided India with logistical assistance, for instance in setting up the Paltana plant in Tripura. Sheikh Hasina, after being elected in December 2009 as Prime Minister, used her huge majority in Parliament to launch two initiatives.
One was eradication of terrorism from the country, and the other was the trial of the 1971 war criminals for crime against humanity. One Jamaat senior leader has been executed, their mentor Golam Azam has been sentenced to life and cases against others are proceeding. This trial, which was long demanded by the freedom fighters, has set back both the Jamaat and BNP.
On the terrorism front Sheikh Hasina has scored unprecedented success. Indian insurgents like the ULFA, NSCN (I/M) and others have been rooted out of this country, and Islamic terrorists and extremists have been hit hard. Apart from Bangladesh India has been the greatest beneficiary of the Sheikh Hasina government’s action against terrorism.
From October 2013, India started exporting 500 megawatts of electricity a day to Bangladesh over a period of 35 years
Last year the Indian Parliament, unanimously passed the Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) as its 100th Constitutional amendment, thereby resolving all 68-year old border disputes since the end of the British Raj. The bill was pending ratification since the 1974 Mujib-Indira accords.
Resolution of maritime dispute through UNCLOS PCA in favour of Bangladesh and India not re-appealing it.
Easing of Visa regime to provide 5 year multiple entry visas to minors below 13 and elderly above 65.
Bangladesh allowed India to ferry food and grains to the landlocked North east using its territory and infrastructure.
During the PM modi visit India extended a US$2 billion line of credit to Bangladesh & pledged US$5 billion worth of investments. As per the agreements, India’s Reliance Power agreed to invest US$3 billion to set up a 3,000 MW LNG-based power plant (which is the single largest foreign investment ever made in Bangladesh) & Adani Power will be setting up a 1600 MW coal-fired power plant at a cost of US$1.5 billion.
Power agreement and internet service: Prime Ministers of India and Bangladesh commissioned international gateway of internet service in Agartala and supply of 100MW power to Bangladesh from Tripura.
Under it India will supply 100 megawatt (MW) of electricity in return for 10 Gigabits per second Internet bandwidth.
100MW power will be supplied from Suryamaninagar grid to the grid in Commilla of southeast Bangladesh.
India is already supplying 500 MW of power to Bangladesh through the Bahrampur-Bheramara interconnection.
North eastern region will get benefit of 10GBPS internet bandwidth from Bangladesh’s submarine cable station at Cox Bazar
15-km railway connectivity link between Agartala and Akhaura in Brahmanbaria district of Bangladesh is to be completed in 2017. Akhaura has a rail link to Chittagong too. Once the Agartala-Akhaura railway link is ready, goods brought to Chittagong port can be carried by rail directly to Agartala.
Both countries are also implementing BBIN motor vehical agreement which allows vehicles to enter each other’s territory and does away with trans-shipment of goods from one country’s truck to another at the border, a time consuming and costly process.
“Agreement on Coastal Shipping”: India and Bangladesh signed the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP), to operationalize the “Agreement on Coastal Shipping” signed between the two countries in June, 2015.
Salient points about the SOP are
The Standard Operating Procedure will pave the way to promote coastal shipping between India and Bangladesh and would enhance bilateral trade between the two countries by bringing down the cost of transportation of EXIM cargo.
The SOP contains provisions which stipulate that India and Bangladesh shall render same treatment to the other country’s vessels as it would have done to its national vessels used in international sea transportation.
The two sides have also agreed upon the use of vessels of River Sea Vessel (RSV) category for Indo-Bangladesh coastal shipping.
Joint patrolling in Sudarbans and combined military exercise Operation SAMPRITI.
The two ways trade is $7 billion. The trade is set to go at $10 billion by 2018 through ports.
India is second in import destination for Bangladesh. Bilateral trade between India and Bangladesh stood at USD 6.6 billion in 2013-14 with India’s exports at USD 6.1 billion and imports from Bangladesh at USD 462 million, representing more than double the value of USD 2.7 billion five years ago
The following steps should be taken to improve relation between India and Bangladesh.
a) Agreement on water sharing should be given priority. Early resolution of the Teesta issue is necessary. b) Security cooperation between the two countries has been good. But there is need for institutionalizing this cooperation so that it does not remain restricted to the tenure of a particular government in either country. In this regard, a beginning could be made by signing the bilateral extradition treaty. c) Connectivity should be given top most priority. Both the countries should work together to operationalise it. d) There is need for addressing the issue of illegal migration. In this regard innovative measures should be taken to resolve the problem, being extra careful to ensure that illegal migrants do not acquire voting rights and Indian nationality. e) People-to-people contact needs to be encouraged; hence liberal visa system should be put in place. f) Trade relationship has improved significantly between the two countries. India has provided zero duty access of Bangladeshi products thereby addressing the tariff related issue to a great extent. The two countries should now consider an agreement on non-tariff barriers. g) Indian investment should be encouraged in Bangladesh through visits of trade delegations, trade fairs, and bilateral assurances on protection of the interests of potential investors. h) Progress can be made by cooperating on common challenges like disaster management, food and energy security. i) Greater involvement of people and wider public debate on foreign policy issues will discourage conspiracy theories and distrust. j) A greater level of people-to-people contact should be encouraged. k) Implement the no-firing policy fully. Ensure accountability to ensure that the image of India as an enemy ceases to exist. l) Fencing needs to be completed speedily and monitored effectively.This would create misgivings but also ensure that Bangladesh knows that India means business. The state governments and the Indian border forces seem receptive to such an idea m) India and Bangladesh need to strengthen their military ties. They are being revived after a long gap but much more can be done in terms of increasing visits, contacts at various level as well as by selling military hardware. Apart from initiating joint exercises, India should consider the China model of gifting hardware in the initial instance, and offer technical expertise that Bangladeshi military is in need of. They have to be weaned away from Pakistan and China. There can be no overnight successes but sustained efforts are essential.